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MEMORY OF LANDSCAPE

MEMORY LANDSCAPE (MEMORYSCAPE)

A term from the field of humanities used especially in studies of memory, ecocriticism, general and environmental history, landscape archaeology and humanistic geography.

According to Simon Schama’s concept, the memoryscape is situated at the junction of research into the cultural entanglement of people and observations of nature, with which people enter into relations that define their lifestyle or history. The memoryscape refers to an environment or place that preserves traces of the past, is an assemblage of past epochs, refers to old memories or current customs, or remains unchanged in its own way despite the passage of time.

The memoryscape is also connected with the notion of “place of remembrance” (fr. lieu de mémoire) proposed by Pierre Nora in the 1970s. A place of remembrance is a space where a given community stores its heritage and traditions constituting its identity – it may be a topographic site (library, archive, museum), a monument (memorial, cemetery, historic architecture), a symbolic place (commemoration site). The place of remembrance is not closed because it is a part of real, social, political, cultural or imagined space. Thus, the memoryscape is a vast place (in the topographical sense), connected with collective memory, which has been embedded and placed in a specific space. Memory landscapes, by expressing (erecting monuments, celebrating holidays in specific places) or erasing (toppling monuments, demolishing architecture) memory, reflect in space what is important for the community that identifies itself with them. The memoryscape is a landscape in which the memory (or memories, often in conflict with each other) of the community to which a given landscape belongs is materially and symbolically deposited. According to Myga-Piątek, the memoryscape is its ability to record, store and recall information about phenomena and processes taking place in history and unfolding in a specific geographical and social environment (Myga-Piątek).

In addition to the memoryscape, there is also the landscape of oblivion, also known as the landscape of non-memory. This term is used in Polish literature, especially in reflections on the so-called Recovered Territories and communities inhabiting these areas before the Second World War (Skała, Wolski) and in studies of the Holocaust (Sendyka). In relation to the first of the above mentioned research fields, this term indicates that the memory of past residents of the Recovered Territories is not cultivated, even though traces of their presence have been preserved in the landscape (e.g. old buildings, remains of old urban systems, disruptions in the urban grid, vegetation). As part of studies on the Holocaust, the term is a critical tool deconstructing the affirmative meaning of the landscape, indicating the role of traumatic or abandoned places in the contemporary cultural landscape.

[M. St.]

Literature:

Budrewicz, Zofia, Sienko, Maria (eds.) Krajobrazy pamięci – pamięć krajobrazu. Kraków: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Pedagogicznego, 2014.

Gediga, Bogusław, Grossman, Anna, Piotrowski, Wojciech (eds.) Miejsca pamięci pradzieje, średniowiecze i współczesność. Biskupin-Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Instytutu Archeologii i Etnologii PAN, 2016.

Minta-Tworzowska, Danuta. „Pamięć, »miejsca pamięci« jako budujące tożsamość w ujęciu archeologii”.  Przegląd Archeologiczny 61 (2013): 33-50.

Myga-Piątek, Urszula. „Pamięć krajobrazu – zapis dziejów w przestrzeni”. Studia Geohistorica 3 (2015): 29-45.

Nora, Pierre. „Between History and Memory: les lieux de memoire“. „Representations“ 26 (spring

1989). s. 7–24.

Schama, Simon. Landscape and Memory. New York: Vintage Books, 1996.

Sendyka, Roma. „Krajobrazy (nie)pamięci: dekonstrukcja krajobrazu kulturowego”. In: Więcej niż obraz, ed. Eugeniusz Wilk i in., 81-99. Gdańsk: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Katedra, 2015.

Skała, Magdalena, Wolski, Jacek. „Krajobraz (nie)pamięci – teraźniejszość nadpisująca przeszłość”. In: Bojkowszczyzna Zachodnia wczoraj, dziś, jutro…, ed. Jacek Wolski, 347-378. Warszawa: Instytut Geografii i Przestrzennego Zagospodarowania PAN, 2016.

DWELLING

DWELLING

The process of dwelling (creating a habitat) in a specific place, meaning a permanent or long-term relationship between man and a given place.

The term refers to the way in which people experience the world, including household management practices (eating, moving, building premises, transforming the land, taking possession of land through marking and fencing, animal husbandry, plant breeding, harvesting, hunting, industrial development), creating social norms (ways of communicating, building human- to-human, human-to-place, group-to-individual relations, cultivating certain customs and habits, using a certain language, etc.), creating cultural norms (ways of justifying the actions undertaken by referring to mythology, religion, science). Dwelling requires the creation of permanent relations (including physical, emotional, intellectual) with the place and the physical and social environment.

This phenomenon is sometimes connected with the need to establish someone’s right to live is a given place. Among the factors that make it possible to assert this right are:

  1. the right of priority; 2. the right of superiority when, for example, the dwellings built by the indigenous peoples are not stable enough and can be easily demolished while taking over the land (thanks to the military, economic and legal advantage, Indians or Aborigines were displaced); 3. bestowment; 4. religious rights and those founded on mythology (e.g. reference to the idea of the Promised Land); 5. the right of historical justification.

The idea of dwelling as the basis of human existence is particularly strongly present in phenomenological thought. Heidegger emphasises the mutual belonging of the human being and the inhabited place, which provides a context for understanding human actions, brings about a feeling of security. For Relph, an inhabited place becomes home when a person realises their own rootedness and the two-way bond between them and the inhabited space, as well as discovers the temporal dimension of habitation. Dardel emphasises the unique role of the place where we are born, which we do not choose as our place of living, but which is imposed on us. In Ingold’s theory the idea of the “taskscape”, in which the experiences of previous generations are accumulated, imposing a lifestyle on future generations, is tantamount to Heidegger’s idea of dwelling.

Dwelling is also a process that is a source of identity for individuals and social groups (Relph, Jackson), creating love for the place and land of ancestors (Tuan), creating a network of interpersonal relationships (Jackson), in which objective space is transformed into a subjectively experienced and felt place (Morton), dividing into sacrum and profanum and enabling orientation both in physical space and in mythical space (Eliade). By inhabiting, we create places and neighbourhoods, determine their range and content, and the journey becomes a kind of update of this content (Lowenthal). Dwelling also influences the way of experiencing the landscape, which from an aesthetic point of view becomes a place of work and everyday practice; it forces a change of the attitude of the observer (tourist, passer-by) into the attitude of the engaged inhabitant (Jackson, Ingold, Wylie, Tilley, Cresswell).

We participate in the process of dwelling with all our senses: we see, feel touch, smell and taste, we hear. Thanks to this experience we gain a type of cultural competence, on the basis of which we distinguish music from cacophony of sounds, a pleasant smell from odour, tasty from unpalatable (Heidegger, Morton). Sensual activity also contributes to maintaining the continuity of group and individual identity, builds relationships between people, and between individuals and  the place, the group (Tuan, Porteous, Rodaway). Inhabiting becomes a kind of participation in one’s own culture and environment.

By inhabiting (coming from a given place) we have cultural knowledge, which is socially shared and constitutes a component of cultural awareness (de Certeau, Bourdieu, Jackson). Dwelling as a process of building cultural and social norms can be considered in ethnic, national, religious, social and professional terms; it creates centres that become places of domination of some idea (mental formation). It sets the centre of values and can be treated as a mental (mental) construct that binds people and places (Tuan, Heidegger). By inhabiting, we also establish relations of power and knowledge and the associated relations between the centre and the periphery, which are offshoots of the “ours/not ours” relationship: they determine to what extent a given place belongs to us, whether it is managed in a way deemed appropriate, i.e. in accordance with our standards (similarly, a foreign land is sometimes considered as uninhabited or as a territory to be colonised, and foreign customs, attitudes and beliefs are treated as savagery or barbarity). Dwelling understood in terms of “homeliness” brings a sense of security and meaning.

[B.F., M.G.]

 

Literature:

Cresswell, Tim. Place: a Short Introduction. Malden, USA, Oxford, UK and Carlton, Australia: Blackwell Publishing, 2004.

Heidegger, Martin. Building, Dwelling, Thinking. In Poetry, Language, Thought. New York: Harper Colophon. Books, 1971.

Ingold, Tim. “The temporality of the landscape”, “World Archeology”, 1993, vol. 25, nr 2.

Jackson, John B. Landscape in Sight: looking at America. New Haven CT: Yale University Press, 1997.

Frydryczak, Beata, Angutek, Dorota (eds.) Krajobrazy. Antologia tekstów. Poznań: Wydawnictwo PTPN, 2014.

Morton, Timothy. Ecology without Nature: Rethinking Environmental Aesthetics. Cambridge, Massachusetts and London, England: Harvard University Press, 2007.

Relph, Edward C. Place and Placelessness. London: Pion Limited, 1976.

Tilley, Christopher. Place, Paths and Monuments: a Phenomenology of Landscape. Oxford: Berg Publishers, 1994.

Tuan, Yi-Fu. Topophilia, Englewood Cliffs, New York: Prentice-Hall, 1974.

Wylie, John. Landscape. London and New York: Routledge, 2007.

 

WILDERNESS

WILDERNESS

Wilderness: 1. from the natural point of view an area not controlled by humans, a landscape biologically and ecologically untouched by human activity, 2. from the legal point of view an area protected in order to preserve its “wild” state, in which the presence and limited human activity is not excluded (fire protection, feeding animals, limiting or preventing the migration of certain animal species), 3. in the cultural dimension an important dimension of the human condition, a value to be protected.

From a natural point of view, the wilderness category describes relatively large or very large areas of untouched nature. It is assumed that such an area should cover at least one million hectares (according to estimates, wilderness areas account for approximately 44 per cent of the land surface of the earth) with self-regulatory phenomena, genetic diversity and self-regeneration potential. They often exceed the territory of individual countries (Amazon Forest, taiga, tundra, oceans, etc.), but their welfare is important for the entire human population. They perform many functions essential for life on our planet: (1) slow down climate change (biologically and geographically virgin areas are more resistant to environmental change), (2) protect genetic and biological diversity, in particular of species requiring relatively large living space, (3) improve the quality of various environmental elements (including water and air), (4) contribute to the conservation of the gene pool of wild counterparts of plants and animals used commercially, (5) constitute an area where the habitats of many indigenous human groups living there are protected in a natural way. Wilderness as a quality is particularly prominent in highly developed countries (Canada, the United States, Australia, New Zealand, most of the countries belonging to the European Union). It is no coincidence that environmental legislation is so highly developed there. Polish protected areas and other wild areas do not meet the size criterion (the largest of them, the Biebrza National Park, covers an area of some 59,000 hectares).

In legal terms, the wilderness category is a term used to describe wildernesses under legal protection. Its task is also to indicate the mechanisms of creating areas where nature is preserved in its uncontaminated form. This is particularly important when attempting to protect areas crossing national jurisdictions. For the first time, wilderness as a legal category was introduced in 1964 into the U.S. legal system as the Wilderness Act. In this document the term wilderness is defined as: “an area of undeveloped Federal land retaining its primeval character and influence, without permanent improvements or human habitation, which is protected and managed so as to preserve its natural conditions”.

[M. G.]

Literature:

Bezencenet, Stevie. Wilderness Dreams. W Wells, Liz (eds.) Shifting Horizons: Woman’s Landscape Photography Now. London – New York: Routledge 2000.

Cosgrove, Denis. Vision and Geography. Seeing, Imagining and Representing the World. London – New York: I.B. Tauris, 2010.

Durczak, Joanna. Rozmowy z ziemią: tradycja przyrodopisarska w literaturze amerykańskiej. Lublin: Wydawnictwo UMCS.

Frydryczak, Beata. Krajobraz: od estetyki the picturesque do doświadczenia topograficznego. Poznań: Wydawnictwo PTPN, 2013.

IUCN: “Wilderness Protected Areas: Management guidelines for IUCN Category 1b protected areas”, edited by Craig Groves. Last modified February 18, 2018. https://portals.iucn.org/library/sites/library/files/documents/PAG-025.pdf. Access 20.02.2018

Menzies, Charles R. Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Natural Resource Managemen. Omaha: University of Nebraska Press, 2006.

Novak, Barbara. Nature and Culture. American Landscape and Painting 1825-1875. Oxford – New York: Oxford University Press, 2007.

Schama, Simon. Landscape and Memory. New York: Vintage Books, 1996.

“Wilderness Act”. Last modified February 18, 2018.

http://www.wilderness.net/index.cfm?fuse=NWPS&sec=legisAct.  Access 20.02.2018

VIEW

VIEW

A separate fragment of space, a vast panorama, most often attractive in terms of landscape; visual experience of space.

A view is a prerequisite for the experience of landscape seen in terms of aesthetics, e.g. beauty, picturesqueness or sublimity. It can be a “model” of a painting landscape. As such, it bears witness to the oculocentric nature of the European culture.

According to some theoreticians, in order to become a landscape, a view must become an object of someone’s aesthetic experience. This happens when the observer separates some fragment of reality (view) in the act of viewing, which then undergoes an aesthetic evaluation. The idea of a view is thus inscribed in a specific relation between a human and his environment, experienced as an aesthetic image (humans are spectators, distanced observers, contemplating the “image” stretching in front of them).

The view as a perceived image (landscape) is closely related to the tourist experience (tourist’s gaze), consisting in “consuming” views already known through reproductions on postcards, in albums, tourist brochures. The view understood in this way is confirmed by the idea of a vantage point, i.e. a natural or artificial place distinguished by its spectacular view. In Urry’s opinion, the tourist’s gaze, especially in its collective variant, confirms the attractiveness of the view as a place worth seeing. An important role in the standardisation of contemporary view experience is played by photography, which has widely spread the cult of beautiful representations of nature. The development of tourism means, among other things, that all nature is reduced to the role of a gallery of views. The idea of the view has led to a change in the way people feel the nature, which is treated as a collection of tourist attractions. This concept, as far as it is identified with the idea of landscape, is sometimes criticised as a falsifying image of human relations with the environment, as well as leading to inadequate aesthetic assessments of the environment.

[M. G., B. F.]

Literature:

Carlson, Allen. Aesthetics and the Environment: The Appreciation of Nature, Art and Architecture. London: Routledge, 2000.

Cosgrove, Denis E. Landscape and the European Sense of Sight – Eyeing Nature, In: K. Anderson, M. Domosh, S. Pile, N. Thrift (eds.), Handbook of Cultural Geography, London: Sage Publications, 2003.

Urry, John. The Tourist Gaze. London: Sage, 2002.

Ritter, Joachim. Landschaft: zur Funktion des Ästhetischen in der modernen Gesellschaft, Münster: Aschendorff Verlag, 1963.

POLISH MONUMENTS PROTECTION ACT

POLISH MONUMNET PROTECTION ACT

The main legal act regulating the issues of protection and care of historical monuments in Poland of 23 July 2003 (replaced the 1962 Act on the Protection of Cultural Assets).

The Act defines the subject, scope and forms of protection and care for historical monuments, the principles of creating a national programme for the protection and care of monuments and financing conservation, restoration and construction works at historical monuments, as well as the organisation of the bodies tasked with the protection of monuments. According to the Act, the object of protection and care is a historical monument understood as a real property or movable object, their parts or groups, being a work of humans or related to their activity and constituting a testimony of a bygone era or an event, the preservation of which is in the public interest due to its historical, artistic or scientific value. This means that historical monuments encompass: immovable monuments (which include cultural landscapes, urban layouts, rural and building complexes, works of architecture and construction, works of defensive construction, objects of technology, cemeteries, parks, gardens, places commemorating historical events or the activities of prominent figures or institutions), movable monuments (which include works of fine arts, artistic crafts and applied arts, collections, numismatics, historical memorabilia, technical products, library materials, musical instruments, folk art products, handicraft, ethnographic objects, objects commemorating historical events or the activities of prominent figures or institutions) and archaeological monuments (which include in particular the remains of prehistoric and historical settlements, cemeteries, barrows, relics of economic, religious and artistic activities).

Protection may also be granted to names – geographical, historical or traditional names of a building, a square, a street or a settlement unit. The following are considered ad hoc and leading forms of monument protection: entry in the register of historical monuments or in the List of Heritage Treasures, recognition as a monument of history, creation of a cultural park, establishment of protection in the local spatial development plan. Monument care, in turn, is defined as a series of activities consisting in ensuring scientific conditions for research and documentation of the monument; carrying out conservation, restoration and construction works at the monument; securing and maintaining the monument and its surroundings in the best possible condition; using the monument in a manner ensuring its permanent preservation; popularising and disseminating knowledge about the monument and its significance for history and culture.

The Act regulates conservation practices in relation to monuments and issues related to the management of monuments, research, works; defines the organisation of the bodies tasked with the protection of monuments; characterises the national register of lost cultural assets and the national programme for the protection and care of historical monuments and the protection of monuments in the event of armed conflict and crisis situations; specifies the concept of conservation supervision; determines the possibility of exporting monuments abroad; takes up the subject of restitution of monuments exported from Poland illegally; defines the conditions of financing heritage care; defines the concept of “civic guardian of monuments” and includes penal regulations in case of violation of the rights resulting from the Act.

[M. St.]

Literature:

Ustawa z dnia 23 lipca 2003 r. o ochronie zabytków i opiece nad zabytkami (Dz.U. 2014 poz. 1446).

Golat, Rafał. Ustawa o ochronie zabytków i opiece nad zabytkami. Komentarz. Kraków: Kantor Wydawniczy Zakamycze, 2004.

Jagielska-Burduk, Alicja. Zabytek ruchomy. Warszawa: Oficyna Wolters Kulwer, 2011.

Zalasińska, Katarzyna. Ochrona zabytków. Warszawa: LexisNexis, 2010.

Zeidler, Kamil. Prawo ochrony dziedzictwa kultury. Warszawa: Oficyna Wolters Kulwer Business, 2007.

Zeidler, Kamil, Trzciński, Maciej. Wykład prawa dla archeologów. Warszawa: Oficyna Wolters Kulwer, 2009.

POLISH LANDSCAE ACT

POLISH LANDSCAPE ACT

A set of legal provisions of 24 April 2015 “on the amendment of some acts in connection with the strengthening of landscape protection tools”.

The Landscape Act is not a uniform act, but a collection of amendments and provisions introduced to the existing acts concerning, inter alia, protection of monuments, nature protection, spatial planning and development. It is commonly referred to as the Landscape Act or the Presidential Act. It fulfils the obligations imposed by the European Landscape Convention ratified by Poland in 2004.

The Act introduces definitions of advertising, signboard, landscape, cultural landscape, priority landscape. It also aims to organise the visual space of cities and towns, raising the issue of the presence of advertising in public space.

In the statutory definition, cultural landscape is understood as “a space perceived by people, containing natural elements and products of civilisation, historically shaped as a result of natural factors and human activity”. By emphasising the protection of the priority landscape, it defines it as “(….) particularly valuable to society because of its natural, cultural, historical, architectural, urban, rural or aesthetic and visual qualities, and as such requiring preservation or definition of the principles and conditions of its shaping (…)”. Moreover, it defines the notion of legally protected landscape qualities, which include “natural, cultural, historical, aesthetic and visual qualities of the area and related (…) relief, creations and components of nature and civilisation elements, shaped by the forces of nature or human activity”.

The Landscape Act regulates the rules and conditions of locating street architecture objects, boards and advertising devices and fences in public space. The regulations of these plans are to “(….) protect the cultural heritage and monuments, including cultural landscapes and contemporary cultural assets (…)”. In this respect, the Act gives broad powers to municipal councils. It also authorises local governments to adopt a local advertising code, specifying which advertisements and signs may be displayed in a given place. Moreover, it imposes an obligation on voivodship local governments to prepare a landscape audit, defining the areas of priority landscapes in which the street architecture or advertisements may interfere. All designs must comply with the local spatial development plan and other acts of local law, and must not violate the requirements of protection of the natural environment and landscape, including cultural landscape. The Act also obliges local governments to draw up spatial development plans taking into account the needs and objectives of works undertaken in this respect, to conduct analyses and audits (characteristics, recommendation, protection, assessment of qualities and threats) of cultural, national and landscape parks, nature reserves, protected landscape areas, UNESCO World Heritage sites, UNESCO Biosphere Reserve Network areas and areas and objects proposed for inclusion in these lists.

The Act also provides for the mode of creating or enlarging a landscape park, liquidation or reduction of the area of a landscape park or a protected area (in cases such as irretrievable loss of natural, historical and cultural qualities and landscape qualities).

[M. G.]

Literature:

Ustawa z dnia 24 kwietnia 2015 r. o zmianie niektórych ustaw w związku ze wzmocnieniem narzędzi ochrony krajobrazu:

http://prawo.sejm.gov.pl/isap.nsf/DocDetails.xsp?id=WDU20150000774 accessed: 3.03.2018

CULTURAL TOURISM

CULTURAL TOURISM

A type of individual and group tourism aimed at encountering a different culture and its contemporary and historical manifestations, both material and non-material.

The aim of cultural tourism is learning about the culture, cultural heritage, customs and lifestyles, by way of visiting monuments, museums, galleries, participating in cultural events, as well as in the everyday life of the inhabitants of the visited places. Cultural tourism is the subject of reflection of specialists in various fields (tourism, anthropology, geography, cultural studies), which means that there is no single, well-established definition of the term. The very phenomenon of cultural tourism should be considered heterogeneous and not conforming to a single model, which reflects the diversity of the contemporary culture and the unequal degree of participation of different social groups in it.

In 1999, in Mexico, the International Council on Monuments and Sites signed the Cultural Tourism Charter, where the definition was adopted: “Cultural tourism is a form of tourism that focuses on culture and cultural environment, including local landscapes, values, lifestyles, heritage, visual and performing arts, industries, traditions and leisure activities of the local, indigenous communities. It may include participation in cultural events, visiting museums and heritage sites, communing with the natives”.

A broad definition makes it possible to assume that almost every tourist trip has the characteristics of cultural tourism. Tourism as such is an element and function of culture, it becomes its expression, thanks to which every tourist trip is a form of meeting of cultures and exchange of values between cultures. However, a distinction should be made between elite cultural tourism and its mass version, i.e. one whose main purpose is cultural (e.g. to see the Venice Biennale), and one for which getting to know culture or its aspects in the visited place is just one of the tourist’s activities.

Cultural tourism is also a form of promotion of places visited by tourists and a tourist offer addressed to a diverse audience. It stimulates the development of local culture focused on tourism, the development of local institutions, centres and cultural organisations, but also the activation of the community and the strengthening of local identity (e.g. festivals, historical stagings or a “living museum”). Cultural tourism is also developing at a higher institutional level, thanks to the support of central institutions, such as the Council of Europe, which promotes the so-called European cultural routes (e.g. the Way of St James as a Pilgrimage Route to Santiago de Compostela). In the post-industrial era, cultural tourism is becoming an important factor in the revitalisation of cities or their fragments (e.g. Kazimierz in Kraków) and post-industrial areas.

[B. F.]

Literature:

https://www.nid.pl/pl/Dla_specjalistow/Standardy/Dokumenty_doktrynalne/

http://www.turystykakulturowa.eu

Kazimierczak, Marek (ed.) W kręgu humanistycznej refleksji nad turystyką kulturową. Poznań: Akademia Wychowania Fizycznego im. E. Piaseckiego: 2008.

Mikos v. Rohrscheidt, Armin. Turystyka kulturowa. Fenomen, potencjał, perspektywy. Gniezno: Wyd. GWSHM Milenium, 2008.

Jędrysiak, Tadeusz. Turystka kulturowa. Warszawa: Polskie Wydawnictwo Ekonomiczne, 2008.

TOURIST

TOURIST

A person travelling for pleasure for recreational (rest) or cognitive purposes (sightseeing, getting to know other places, cultures), usually in an organised and group way, in the home country and abroad, to places focused on tourist traffic, providing various kinds of tourist attractions.

According to the World Tourism Organisation, a tourist is a visitor who spends at least one night at public or private accommodation facilities in the visited country. The modern type of traveller, educated in the conditions of globalisation of culture and aesthetisation of the environment, is represented by a person who temporarily leaves home, changes the routine of everyday life and the life environment (Przecławski) in order to experience extraordinary impressions and come into contact with the visited environment (natural, cultural, social). The tourist pursues a form of consumer tourism, the beginnings of which can be traced back to the nineteenth century and associated with the development of local landscape tourism based on the idea of visiting picturesque landscapes. Although quickly absorbed by fashion and the goods market, it contributed to the democratisation of travel and the development of the tourism industry.

The tourist most often uses the intermediation of travel agencies, which offer a diverse tourist product (from all-inclusive stays in resorts to extreme tourism) and shape tourist needs through guides, advertising brochures, TV commercials, etc., designed to stimulate travel, according to the principle that the tourist goes to places that are attractive, but already rendered familiar by culturally shaped images (MacCannell). The tourist uses tourist spaces (hotels, airports, railway stations, etc.), understood as non-places (Augé), i.e. makeshift, temporary places that are indistinguishable from each other and are not conducive to establishing social relations.

According to Edensor, the tourist visits two types of places: tourist enclaves (closed, controlled, isolated from the local population, fully self-sufficient) and heterogeneous tourist space (open, uncontrolled, disorderly), where tourism is only one of the activities and the tourist infrastructure is embedded in the local one.

According to Cohen, we can speak about four social roles of the tourist and four types of tourist experience. The first two are institutionalised roles: (1) an organised mass tourist who is reluctant to experience adventures and show own initiative while fully submitting to the travel plan set by the guide, and locked in a “community bubble” that allows him to transfer his own world and his habits; (2) an individual mass tourist who relies on a tourist agency, travels along tourist routes but organises his own time and travel itinerary. Two further roles are non-institutionalised: (3) the discoverer seeks novelties, establishes relationships with the natives, gives up his habits, but is not inclined to immerse himself completely into the society he visits; (4) the drifter takes the risk of travelling his own roads and completely ignores the tourist infrastructure, travels without a plan and a clearly defined purpose. It is the opposite of the mass tourist, reminiscent of the wanderer of old.

An important aspect of tourist activity is sightseeing, watching, taking the form of a “gaze”. (Urry, Adler) expressing aesthetic but superficial (perception turns into recognition according MacCannell) interest in objects, views and events. This principle applies to the attractions of the tourist industry, i.e. everything that is intended to be visited: views, monuments, parks, old factories, temples, staged events, etc. Attractions prepared for tourists have the character of a spectacle (MacCannell), in which the tourist remains a spectator. The spectacle can be a standing of historical events, folk feasts, but also the way of presentation of monuments (type of lighting, models, etc.). The tourist is a collector of frequently viewed and superficially experienced places, often not interested in visiting the same place again. The tourist expects otherness, a departure from the routine of everyday life, unusual impressions, especially visual ones, so that his experiences fit into the tourist experience. In this respect, the tourist’s attribute is a camera, supporting the memory and remembrance of visited places.

A type of tourist is the post-tourist who “admires” the tourist spaces and attractions, without leaving home and experiencing them through the screen monitor. In this respect, the tourist experience is a sensually limited experience, a form of play with images, texts and signs, and being at one step removed, it has no trait of authenticity. The tourist is a model figure of contemporary (postmodern) man according to MacCannell, Bauman, Urry. According to Bauman, he represents a postmodern type of subjectivity, while according to Urry – a model of human shaped by contemporary culture.

[B. F.]

Literature:

Bauman, Zygmunt. Dwa szkice o moralności ponowoczesnej. Warszawa: Instytut Kultury, 1994.

Bauman, Zygmunt. Postmodern Ethics. London:, Blackwell, 1993.

Cohen, Eric. „A Phenomenology of Tourist Experiences. Sociology”. The Journal of the British Sociological Association 2 (1979): 179-199.

Edensor, Tim. Tourist at the Taj. London: Routledge, 1998.

MacCannell, Dean. The Tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999.

Podemski, Krzysztof. Antropologia podróży. Poznań: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM, 2004.

Urry, John. The Tourist Gaze. London: Sage, 2002.

Wieczorkiewicz, Anna. Apetyt turysty. O doświadczaniu świata w podróży. Kraków: Universitas, 2008.

IDENTITY OF LANDSCAPE

IDENTITY OF LANDSCAPE

The term is understood in two ways: 1) in the spirit of cultural landscape research, as elements forming a specific whole, constituting the uniqueness of a given landscape in relation to others and influencing the identity of groups; 2) psychologically, as a category of description of the identity of individuals and groups from the point of view of their place-identity.

It should be stressed that each place, by definition (Heidegger), has an identity. It is therefore extracted from the whole, endowed with genius loci, has historical continuity, is an oasis of security and is authentic (Lewicka). Places without identity are for this reason called non-places and are opposed to the former.

Sauer emphasises that the identity of the landscape is based on a specific constitution, which determines the specificity of the place, while at the same time separating it from others and influencing the experience of the landscape as “the form imposing itself on the viewer”. Myga-Piątek distinguishes seven groups of factors determining the identity of the landscape (in relation to Żuławy Wiślane): 1) natural (e.g. fertile muds and abundance of water), 2) biopsychic (e.g. diligence, organisation), 3) religious (e.g. persecution that affected the Dutch settlement), 4) social (e.g., differentiating the character and location of buildings), 5) political and administrative-legal (e.g. anti-Mennonite edict depriving of the right to lease and possession of property), 6) historical and cultural (e.g. Roman and Scandinavian influences), 7) civilisation progress (e.g. land reclamation infrastructure).

The term can be used in a narrower sense, in the context of identity processes and with reference to groups, nations and societies and their relations with places and landscapes. Cosgrove points out that landscapes, on the one hand, construct collective identities, on the other hand, they are their expression. An example is the national state and national identity, which, in order to be constituted, required the establishment of relations between the images of nature (native) and people (nation) living in a certain territory. This process seems to have emerged in Germany, where the notion of homeland, home (German: Heimat) was geographically linked to the landscape. For example, the mountain topography of the Hercynian period, dense forests and moors began to be described as Germanic, and thanks to literature and painting they became icons. Protection of landscapes and natural and cultural heritage has become an expression of the creation of identity of places and groups, which is reflected, for example, in the idea of national parks, the founding of which (19th century) coincided with the creation of national states.

A different factor, supporting the care for the identity of the landscape and places, are activities focused on regionality. An example of caring for the pearls of local heritage as the goods of civilisation are the works of UNESCO, while the cultivation of native cultures on a global scale is illustrated by the initiative of cittaslow (Italian and English slow city). Cittaslow is a movement of cities (up to 50,000 inhabitants) around the world, which aims to nurture local identities, protect natural and cultural heritage, social involvement and sustainable development. In this way, cittaslow creates a strategy that resists the homogenising processes of globalisation and nationalisation, ensuring the protection of localism and the identity of the place.

[Ł. P.]

 

Literature:

Ashworth, Gregory J., Graham, Brian J.,  Tunbridge, John E. (eds.). Pluralising pasts: heritage, identity and place in multicultural societies. London: Pluto Press, 2007.

Cosgrove, Denis E. “Landscape and the European Sense of Sight – Eyeing Nature”, In: K. Anderson, M. Domosh, S. Pile, N. Thrift (eds.), Handbook of Cultural Geography, London: Sage Publications, 2003..

Jaszczak, Agnieszka, Antolak, Mariusz. „Tożsamość krajobrazu a przestrzeń społeczna”. Prace komisji krajobrazu kulturowego, 28, (2015): 109–17.

Lewicka, Maria. „Miejsce”. In: Modi memorandi: leksykon kultury pamięci, ed. Magdalena Saryusz-Wolska i Robert Traba, 227–29. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar, 2014.

Myga-Piątek, Urszula. Krajobrazy kulturowe: aspekty ewolucyjne i typologiczne. Katowice: Uniwersytet Śląski, 2012.

Sauer, Carl. Land and Line. A selection from the Writings of Carl Ortwin Sauer. Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1963.

Scannell, Leila, Gifford, Robert. „Defining place attachment: A tripartite organizing framework”. Journal of Environmental Psychology 30, 1, (2010): 1–10.

TOPOS

TOPOS

The term denoting a place, and more precisely a common place (Greek tópos koinós, Latin locus communis). It is also present in related concepts such as topophilia, topophobia, topography, heterotopy, etc.

 

The concept of the topos comes from the works of Aristotle and in its original context was used in rhetoric, where it meant “stocks and repositories of thoughts” (Ziomek). It became particularly popular in the twentieth century in the field of history and theory of literature, where it acquired meanings such as “motif”, “subject matter” or “thread”, e.g. the topos of arcadia. Some identified the Jung’s archetype or myth with the topos. The term also referred to fixed meaning imaging schemes. Literary motifs began to be illustrated, as a result of which they acquired a constant visual shape, gaining a certain autonomy over time, such as late antiquity iconography of Odyssey or late medieval locus amoenus, delightful places, such as views of the castle gardens with fountains and flowers, groves or hunting grounds (Białostocki).

Topos is a term used in many detailed sciences and its use goes beyond the boundaries of logic, semiology or methodology. In the most basic sense, topos denotes a place and in the tradition of social sciences it is opposed to space on the one hand (Tuan 1987), while on the other hand it is opposed to a non-place (utopos) or heterotopia. The latter is characterised by inauthenticity, uniformity and commercialisation, which is why, according to Heidegger, it opposes places endowed with spirit (genius loci), identity or history.

The concept of topos has survived in its original tenor particularly clearly in politics, in relation to a pair of terms utopia and anti-utopia. The former appeared in the book Utopia (1516) by Thomas Moore, depicting an island ruled by an ideal social system. The word “utopia” has a certain ambiguity – it means both a non-place (gr. ou-tópos) and a good place (eu- ou-tópos); its use also implies the conviction that a perfect place is impossible (Czapliński). The idea of utopia included thinking about total order, designing a world subordinated to reason. This was visible in many spatial scales – both in garden art, modernist urban planning and the authoritarian state. The most complex and, at the same time, terrifying form of utopian actions was put into practice by 20th century totalitarianisms, which gave rise to an anti-utopian trend and disbelief in reason and great narratives (projects).

Today’s urban planners suggest a return to the concept of utopia, understood critically, as imagining and designing not only good and better places, but also other, alternative topoi. Places such as cities, work and home spaces and their images rooted in landscape painting (Cosgrove) reflect the social order, individual thoughts and ideologies, and as Marxist, feminist or post-colonial criticism evocatively resembles, this is not a neutral world, but often built on the basis of violence. Rebuilding the world, creating alternative topoi takes on an emancipating character in this light.

[Ł.P.]

Literature:

Białostocki, Jan. „Narodziny nowożytnego krajobrazu”. In: Krajobrazy: antologia tekstów, ed. Beata Frydryczak i Dorota Angutek, 195–204. Poznań: PTPN, 2014.

Cosgrove, Denis E. Landscape and the European Sense of Sight – Eyeing Nature. In: K. Anderson, M. Domosh, S. Pile, N. Thrift (eds.), Handbook of Cultural Geography. London: Sage Publications, 2003.

Czapliński, Przemysław. „Nie miejsce”. In: Modi memorandi: leksykon kultury pamięci, ed. Magdalena Saryusz-Wolska i Robert Traba, 270–72. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar, 2014.

Lewicka, Maria. „Miejsce”. In: Modi memorandi: leksykon kultury pamięci, Magdalena Saryusz-Wolska i Robert Traba (eds.), 227–29. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar, 2014.

Pinder, David. „In defence of utopian urbanism: imagining cities after the «end of utopia»”. Geografiska Annaler, Series B: Human Geography 84, 3–4 (2002): 229–41.

Tuan, Yi-Fu. Passing Strange and Wonderful: Aesthetics, Nature, and Culture.  Washington: Island Press, Shearwater Books, 1993.

Ziomek, Jerzy. Retoryka opisowa. Wrocław: Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich, 2000.

TOPOGRAPHY

TOPOGRAPHY
1. Landform, relief; 2. branch of geography, which describes and examines the shape of the earth’s surface, relief and other observable celestial bodies; 3. in a literary work, a variation of the description of a particular place that is especially common in a realistic novel; the type of map of the world presented. (Latin topographia, Greek topographein; topos – place, graphos – description)

Topography in a broader, geographical sense describes vegetation characteristic of a given area, anthropogenic features (related to human activity), also elements of local culture (especially those visible in works or objects influencing the character of the area – e.g. village buildings, type of buildings, sculptures in the forest, bridges, etc.) or history. The purpose of topography is to define the geographical position of selected places (objects), their longitude and latitude, altitude above sea level, determine distances and angles of inclination, name, identify and indicate types of places, identify and describe typical landscape or plant vegetation features typical for a given place. An auxiliary science of topography is cartography, which creates topographic maps (graphical representations of terrain forms together with collections of systematised information on the surface of the earth, its natural features and those created by the hand of humans). These maps usually show the contour lines of the described object, provide information about water reservoirs, river lines (indicating their location in three dimensions, i.e. depth, in the case of hills – indicating the height), forest area, built-up area and other features of interest.

The topography of the city is called the city plan, which consists of a street network, a plan of buildings and structures important for orientation in the city (churches, monuments, hospitals, museums, etc.), a transport network to facilitate movement (e.g. tram and bus lines, etc.).

Topography can be an auxiliary science for other sciences (and areas of human activity), e.g. describing the dependence of economy types or demographic conditions on the terrain or following the processes of human adaptation to the environment.

Topography is connected with the phenomenon of topographical experience, meaning commitment, abandonment of the viewpoint in favour of “entering” the landscape, experiencing the landscape with all senses (not only visually), inhabiting, creating the area (Frydryczak). Thanks to topographical experience, the area ceases to be a view and acquires social, cultural and private meanings. Topography in this sense refers to the recognition of directions and places, filling them with content, entwining the area with a grid of senses, although on the map they can still be read as objectively existing, specific points in space. Understood in this way, it helps us to orient ourselves in the field, creates a mental map (“in the head” map).

[M. G.]

 

Literature:

Baldwin, Elaine, Longhurst, Braian, McCracken, Scott, Ogborn, Miles, Smith, Greg. Introducing Cultural Studies. London: Routledge, 2008.

Kraak, Menno-Jak, Ormeling, Ferjan. Kartograficzna wizualizacja danych przestrzennych. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, 1998.

Frydryczak, Beata. Krajobraz. Od estetyki do doświadczenia topograficznego, Poznań: Wydawnictwo PTPN, 2013.

Pasławski, Jacek. Wprowadzenie do kartografii i topografii. Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Nowa Era, 2006.

 

 

TERRITORY

TERRITORY

Area occupied by a specific species or community.

 

The territory is distinguished by three basic features: (1) habitation, presence of a phenomenon of an animated nature (plant species, animal species, human group), (2) definable limit of this presence (habitation) and (3) efforts made to secure species (animals, plants) or socio-cultural (groups of people) survival in the designated area. The composition of the territory includes land space with water reservoirs, sea and air.

The term territory can have different connotations: biological, geographical, cultural, political, social, military. In social sciences it means an area subordinate to a specific administrative authority, described by a border, inhabited by a specific social and cultural group (tribe, family, nation), in which civil protection, cultural goods, administrative or economic efficiency is ensured (e.g. language, ethnographic, religious territory).

In geopolitical terms, it means the area under the jurisdiction of a particular ruler, an administrative unit (province, municipality, district, state, occupied, overseas, trust, dependent) which it manages. In biological-geographical terms, it means an area characterised by specific geographical, climatic and physical conditions, with the consequence that it is often dominated by specific species of fauna and flora, as well as by the management by human communities.

In anthropological terms, having a territory, alongside a common language, history, name, group identity, customs and traditions, is – although not always – the basic determinant of an ethnic group. The loss of territory may become a disintegrating factor for a cultural group (the case of some groups of Indians from both Americas or Aborigines), although it is not a dependency occurring without exception (the case of Jews or Poles living for 123 years without state territory). In the latter cases, the meaning of the term territory is transferred from a strictly geographical dimension into a symbolic or mythological dimension (e.g. “the promised land”). Nevertheless, the settlement and defence of territory in many theories is presented as key to building identity, and on its basis the notion of nation. Ratzel described territory as the highest value in the survival process. Kjellén compared the state to a biological organism and the territory to one of the tissues.

The notion of territory also includes the related notion of “expansion of territory”, which is connected with conquest, colonialism and slavery. Colonies formed as a result of conquest lost their status of independent territories, becoming areas of exploitation. Decolonisation that has been taking place since the Second World War, the causes of which should be seen in the changes in the balance of power on the geopolitical map of the world, resulted in the emergence of multinational territories (e.g. France, Great Britain).

[M. G.]

 

Literature:

Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism,

London: Verso, 1983.

Baraniuk, Karolina. „Terytorium, autonomia terytorialne i zwierzchnictwo terytorialne w naukach politycznych”. Zeszyty Naukowe PWSZ im. Witelona w Legnicy, 22(1), 2017: 171-183.

Paprzyca, Krystyna. „Terytorium, sieci, plemiona”. In: Problemy obszarów metropolitalnych i wielkich miast, Elżbieta Węcławowicz-Bilskia (ed.). Kraków: Wydawnictwo PK, 2017.

LANDSCAPING ART

LANDSCAPING ART

All forms of art (visual, conceptual, performance) that refer to the landscape, both natural and urban, subjecting it to artistic analysis, interpretation and intervention, both in the formal and aesthetic, as well as critical sense.

 

Landscaping art is not only a simple representation of the landscape, it does not aim to reproduce it, but it is a kind of critical reference to it, its aspects and issues related to it, expressed in the language of art. In this sense, the subject of landscape art are both the qualities of the landscape and its aesthetics (e.g. natural, artificial, degraded, post-industrial landscape), as well as related issues (ecological, social, political and other) in which the landscape is entangled. It can take on the expression of a work or activity, entering an existing landscape and giving it new meanings, thus transforming (permanently or temporarily) its meaning. In this way, landscaping art situates itself between artistic gesture and public discourse.

Landscaping art is not a separate direction or current in art and does not create a compact artistic concept. Its manifestations can be found in various artistic areas, in particular works, activities or actions, which, by revealing landscape sensitivity, are oriented towards a broadly understood discourse: from positions that problematise the landscape or its aspects to aestheticising the landscape. Thus, it is an expression of artistic commitment, which can manifest itself in various fields of art (architecture, film, photography, installation, painting, performance, sculpture), various directions (earth art, environmental art, murals, etc.) and in individual projects.

From the perspective of art history, the first projects aspiring to the title of landscaping art can be found in the discovery by painters that landscape can be an object of artistic inspiration. The first manifestation is the crystallisation of landscape painting as a stand-alone style and the presentation of landscape as a worthy painting theme. From the Renaissance, the early landscapes of Leonardo da Vinci and Dürer, and later masters of landscape painting until the 19th century, two ways of looking at the landscape can be seen: aestheticising the landscape and aiming at creating its ideal form (e.g. Lorrain, Rosa) and perceiving the processes and space of life (e.g. Dürer, Constable) taking place in it. The difference between landscape painting idealising the landscape and landscape painting of Northern Europe aimed at rendering the processes taking place in it was revealed quite early on. In this dimension, the subject of artistic analysis is the landscape understood both as a space of visual perception, as well as an area inhabited and transformed by humans. If one assumes that there are two ways of capturing a landscape that distinguish between an aesthetic landscape and a cultural landscape, then landscape art accentuates rather the cultural dimension of the landscape and the resulting issues. Another source of thinking about landscape is garden art, especially landscape parks, which aimed at creating a landscape close to the natural by natural means.

When photography was invented in the middle of the 19th century, this new field of art quickly noticed in the landscape an interesting object of artistic analysis, joining the current of thought developed by painting, at the same time confirming the dual track of thinking about the landscape.

Robust development of landscaping art took place in the 20th century in the area of avant-garde and neo-avant-garde art, as well as its accompanying ideology, proclaiming, among other things, the need to abandon museums and galleries in favour of an urban or natural space (environment) of art presentation, which created the possibility for a work of art (although understood as an installation, ephemeral work, sculpture, performance, mural) to inscribe itself into the landscape, but also references to it. The closest to such an understanding of landscaping art are environmental art and land art, developing since the 1970s, part of public art projects from the turn of the twentieth and twenty-first century and art criticism developing at the same time. In any case, a work of art or artistic activity requires a formal, ideological or semantic reference to the place, taking on the character of site specific art. For this reason, the idea of the place and the contexts associated with it significantly determines landscape art. Starting with Smithson’s “Spiral Dyke”, the art of the earth was a form of spatialisation of a work of art in its natural surroundings using natural material (sand, stones, rock, branches, etc.) and atmospheric conditions. Works such as “Lightning Field” by Walter de Maria or a series of lines (e.g. “A Line Made by Walking”) by Richard Long belong to the canon of earth art. Earth art and environmental art have taken the environment as their main point of reference, often using vast open spaces where large-scale, monumental works have been carried out, clearly interfering with the existing landscape, transforming it permanently or temporarily and subjecting it to the action of natural factors (atmospheric, geological, etc.). This also includes the bird’s eye view work of Jarosław Kozakiewicz’s “Mars Project”: a vast composition in the shape of a human ear, made on the site of a closed lignite mine in the German Lusatian Lakeland. Referring to the ideology of minimalism in terms of materials and means used, over time the art of the earth began to take on new, more ephemeral and less monumental forms, often reduced to an artistic gesture, striving to a large extent to integrate the work of art with its surroundings, aesthetic, formal inscribing itself into the landscape, and even blending into the landscape. Mirosław Maszlanko, who penetrates nature with his wicker works, making the environment and the work interact with each other, should be mentioned here. Another good example are works emphasising a given place with their meaning or form, both in natural and urban space.

In urban space, the projects that can be classified as landscaping art more often originate from the critical art trend, which enters public space as a sphere of discourse, causing its temporary or permanent transformation with the use of artistic means and the issue taken up by it (it is difficult to be indifferent to, for example, architecture, which had previously become the object of Wodiczko’s works). Works in public spaces use new technologies (holograms) much more often or are reduced to one-off actions. They often refer to ecological and social issues (Julita Wójcik’s vegetable gardens), political issues (Cecylia Malik’s “Mother of the Pole on felling”, a work in which women feeding their children occupied the stumps of trees that have just been cut down), updating the scope of dialogue and care (“Tomek Kawiak’s Pain” from 1970, a work in which the artist bandaged trimmed trees in the city centre).

Equally important for the understanding of landscaping art are works that are part of cultural thinking about landscape, emphasising its social and process dimension. Here the first reference is the understanding of the landscape as a space transformed, inhabited and co-created by humans. Hubert Czerepok’s film “Ekosystem” is a flagship example of this type of work, stressing the social experience born in the landscape. The second point of reference is the topographical experience, possible to gain only during a wandering (however understood). Examples of this kind of thinking can be found in all fields of art: from painting (Tatarczyk), through photography (Bulhak, Rydel), to actions and performances (Robakowski).

[B. F.]

 

Literature:

Frydryczak, Beata. Między gestem a dyskursem. Warszawa: Instytut Kultury, 1995.

Dziamski, Grzegorz. Awangarda po awangardzie, od neoawangardy do postmodernizmu. Poznań: Wydawnictwo Fundacji Humaniora, 1995.

Dziamski, Grzegorz. Sztuka u progu XXI wieku. Poznań: Wydawnictwo Fundacji Humaniora, 2002.

Beardsley, John. Earthworks and Beyond. Contemporary Art in the Landscape. New York: Abbeville Press, 1998.

Kastner, Jeffrey, Wallis, Brian. Land and Environmental Art. Boston: Phaidon Press, 1998.

FAMILIARITY / FOREIGNNESS OF LANDSCAPE

FAMILIARITY/ FOREIGNNESS OF LANDSCAPE

A way of landscape existence recognised by an individual perceiving it, expressed in what is familiar (homely, recognizable) or foreign (alien, unknown, different) from the point of view of factors determining its aesthetic, cultural, social, natural and other qualities. The sense of familiarity is the effect of establishing a relationship of closeness with the landscape, the sense of alienation results from maintaining a distance.

 

Proximity and distance can be felt towards the landscape understood in spatial, temporal, emotional, ethical and sensual terms. The visual factor is of key importance here: the views typical of a given place or region are the first point of reference in the landscape assessment (the mountain landscape, specific to a highlander, will be alien to a sailor).

We are often involved in the landscape, to which we have been tied since childhood. We consider alien a landscape that is different from the one we know best. Two attitudes are of key importance here: that of the native, for whom the landscape has its own expression, and the stranger, who must first get used to it in order to distance himself from the feeling of alienation. Sometimes we feel closeness to landscapes that are objectively unfavourable, dangerous and unfriendly (inhabitants of Siberia, Alaska, the foot of volcanoes, etc.). In such cases identification with the landscape takes place on the basis of other qualities, e.g. those focused on the notion of homeland and the father’s legacy.

Taming a foreign landscape (e.g. by immigrants) sometimes involves trying to organise it in a familiar and security modelling way among similar people, for example of the same nationality. Then communities with a similar system of values emerge in foreign spaces. Enclaves of Chinese settlers in American cities (Chinatown), Polish districts with Polish shops in the cities of Great Britain or Hindu in Singapore fill an alien space with characteristic architecture, graphic symbols, signs, street names. Places can be tamed by colonisation introducing its own architecture (e.g. French concession in Shanghai), vegetation, customs, practices (e.g. coffee plantations in Africa) into an alien landscape.

Classic examples illustrating the sense of homeliness and alienation are the attitudes of the inhabitant and the tourist. The former evaluates the place through its functional and utility qualities. The latter attitude entails superficial contact and temporary stay (which may or may not necessarily create a familiarity). Remaining for a long time in a specific place does not in itself guarantee the creation of closeness, because this requires identifying with the values in force: the stronger the identification, the less the feeling of alienation. The degree of identification is determined by factors such as language (which, especially for immigrants, may be a barrier to establishing a relationship of closeness to the place and its inhabitants), readiness to participate in rituals and social life (building housing, transforming the area, creating social norms, cultivating certain customs and habits). Sometimes people who have been in exile for a long time do not create a relationship of closeness with the newly inhabited place, longing for their homeland. On the other hand, we sometimes feel close to the place where we are staying for a short time.

[M.G., B.F.]

 

Literature:

Cosgrove, Denis. Social Formation and Symbolic Landscape. Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1998.

Grzelak, Eliza. W poszukiwaniu Edenu. Językowo-kulturowy obraz współczesnego polskiego ogrodu ozdobnego. Kreacja czasu i przestrzeni. Gniezno: Wydawnictwo TUM, 2008.

Hofstede, Geert. Culture’s Consequences: Comparing Values, Behaviors, Institutions and Organizations Across Nations. Thousand Oaks CA: Sage Publications, 2001.

Lowenthal, David. The Past is the Foreign Country. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988.

Porteous, J. Douglas. Landscapes of the Mind: Worlds of Sense of Metaphor. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1990.

Stomma, Ludwik. Kultura wsi polskiej XIX wieku. Warszawa: Instytut Wydawniczy Pax, 1986.

Tubylewicz, Katarzyna. Moraliści. Jak Szwedzi uczą się na własnych błędach i inne historie. Warszawa: Wielka Literatura, 2016.

SIDE

TOURIST’S GAZE

TOURIST’S GAZE

The term introduced by John Urry in the book under the same title (“The Tourist Gaze”), meaning a kind of social tourism practice and experience, characteristic of a modern, mass form of travel that emphasizes consumer attitudes and visual pleasure.

 

The tourist’s gaze is characterised by a modern, superficial and aesthetic view of the world, subjected to the processes of globalisation and standardisation. The tourist’s gaze is a recognition of the visual attractiveness of views, objects and events, prepared for the visitor by the mechanisms and strategies of the tourist market. The essence of the tourist’s gaze is “looking”: watching and recognising natural sceneries, urban landscapes, objects, events that are unique to the tourist in so far as they can be identified with their marker and “consumed” only in the situation of undertaking a real (or virtual) journey. The subject of the tourist’s gaze – regardless of whether it is a landscape, ethnic group, lifestyle, historical monuments, etc. – can be described using three key dichotomies for Urry: collective – romantic, authentic – non-authentic, historical – contemporary.

The gaze became the dominant “tool” of tourist experience in the nineteenth century. It appeared in place of the discourse accompanying previously all cognitive, research and analytical travel purposes (Adler), contributing to the development of an aesthetic form of travel (in place of the earlier art of travel). According to Adler, until the end of the 18th century travels were oriented towards discourse and cognitive observation, and not towards looking, sightseeing, watching, which resulted in putting philosophical cognition before aesthetic cognition. At the end of the 18th century, the traveller’s “eye”, so far limited by the normative discourse and scholastic attitude towards the world, was increasingly directed towards the outside world, seeking in it the support for the educated taste. An “aesthetic turn” took place in travelling, and the gaze, visual consumption became its dominant factor, with aesthetic pleasure supposedly behind it. The promoter and practitioner of the new approach to landscape was Gilpin, who promoted in his essays the picturesque aesthetic category. He tried to visualise it, identifying it with what pleases the eye: pleasant views that could be contemplated and analysed in a way appropriate for the reception of a painting composition. Travel began to be associated with sightseeing, hiking in the landscape, which lost its elite character and became accessible to the middle class, which resulted in the popularisation and democratisation of travel. The growing popularity of hiking trips made it possible to complement “looking” with a richer sensual reaction, and the look gained the features of a “wandering eye”. (Shepard), which on the way learned to share visual impressions with other senses. The historical order of the transition from discourse to gaze is complemented by a “fusion of the senses and gaze”. (Adler), occurring on the road, in motion.

For Urry, gaze is a central issue for tourism, but it is also a category subject to historical change, reflecting changing viewing patterns and related social practices. On the one hand, the tourist’s gaze is symbolic: it identifies things and places worth seeing. On the other hand, it casts the tourist as a spectator. Two phenomena contributed to the isolation and crystallization of the tourist’s gaze: the invention of photography and the creation of a new type of urban space as a place of performance. Urry distinguished several types of tourist’s gaze: environmental, anthropological, spectacular, ecological, and finally reduced to just two: romantic and collective. A romantic view is characteristic of the auratic world (Benjamin) and can be linked to the moment of distinguishing the landscape as an aesthetic phenomenon: it is its perception and experience. It is a look focused on the recognition of the size of a given scenery or object. A lonely wanderer, admiring the landscapes, looking for aesthetic impressions, transformed into an experience of contemplative nature, seems to be the most characteristic feature of this approach.

The collective gaze of the tourist is characteristic of the system, in which the attractiveness of a given place is determined not by the system itself, but by the tourist industry. Attractive tourist destinations, subject to a collective gaze, have been designed as public spaces: their character is determined by the presence of people. The collective gaze of the tourist requires a multitude of eyes – the number of others admiring the same view confirms the importance and attractiveness of the place, which is admired together in the context of symbolic and historical meanings. The collective gaze of a tourist is the collective “consumption of a place”, regardless of the extent to which it has previously been mediated by the media and their respective forms of reproduction.

[B. F.]

Literature:

Adler, Judith. “Origins of Sightseeing”. “Annuals of Tourism Research”, 16 (1989): 7-29.

Shepard, Paul. Man in the Landscape. A History of the Esthetics of Nature, Georgia: University of Georgia Press, 2002.

Adler, Judith. “Travel as Performed Art”. “The American Journal of Sociology”, 6 (1989): 1366–91.

Urry John, Consuming places. London: Routledge, 1995.

Urry, John, The Tourist Gaze. London: Sage 2002.

Wieczorkiewicz, Anna. Apetyt turysty: o doświadczeniu świata w podróży. Kraków: Universitas, 2008.

SOCIOLOGY OF SPACE

SOCIOLOGY OF SPACE

A sub-discipline of sociology that explores the multi-level relations between space and human communities.

 

Sociology of space is interested in the influence of social norms on the shape of space and space on social norms, relations of power and social control taking place in a given space, the patterns of behaviour, orders and prohibitions shaped by it.

Among the anthropogenic factors influencing the shape of space, both biological factors (e.g. gender and age) and social factors (e.g. class, property, religion) are indicated. The former may result, for instance, in the construction of separate rooms for women and men, bans on staying in certain spaces; the latter may result in gated communities or decisions regarding the construction of buildings for religious purposes (e.g. refusal to consent to the construction of a mosque in Christian countries). On the other hand, space affects social relationships by weakening or strengthening social ties, encouraging or discouraging interaction (e.g. socialised and de-socialised space [Hall]), creating relationships of balance or dependency (subordination), formal or informal, integrating or disintegrating.

The issues discussed by sociology of space are, for example, the differences in social relations between urban and rural areas (urbanisation and counterurbanisation, problems resulting from excessive population density, local and global communities, [Giddens]), public and private space (“consumption” of space depends on whether we recognise it as private or public, the degree of recognition depends on our cultural competence), space and social values, space and family, space and socialisation (elites live in centres, contribute to the development of space, masses live on the outskirts and inhibit the development of space [Sjoberg]), type of ties created in enclosed spaces (monasteries, prisons), social control, social roles (home versus workplace), sanctions and penalties as consequences of behaviour and attitudes in specific spaces, the influence of the material environment on the ways of communication (proxemics), prevention of crime through the shaping of space, creation of memorial sites (Wallis). Sociology of space treats space as a social space, produced in a collective process and characterised by reference to collective actions and social values. Space can be characterised by the notion of territory (territorial behaviour), border, distance. Analyses of sociology of space are used, among others, in intercultural research (Hofstede).

Sociological analyses of space appeared already in the first representatives of sociology: In the case of Emile Durkheim (e.g. the division of space into sacrum and profanum and the types of social attitudes and behaviours associated with this division), Maurice Halbwachs (the concept of collective memory), Max Weber (the concept of the city) or in the Chicago School. The latter became famous, inter alia, for its holistic, social concept of the city treated in ecological terms (social tissue) and for research into the relations between a given space and the activities of its users. These, in turn, result from migration, adaptation processes (both in accordance with the axionormative system and deviant – e.g. spatial differentiation of thefts, burglaries, murders and other forms of violence), socio-spatial segregation processes, research into the mechanism of ethnic ghettoes, “our/alien” issues in urban space or the theory of communication processes taking place, among others, by means of architecture (Burgess, Park and McKenzie). The terms of key importance to the Chicago school’s city ecology studies include “natural space” (referring to behaviours taking place in the space recognised as “natural”, own – among others Mead’s findings), “cultural space” (inhabited by a community with similar cultural characteristics). In Europe, attempts at theoretical approaches to space began in the early 19th century, when the first problems related to the development of industry, resulting in urbanisation, i.e. the migration of population from rural to urban areas and urban sprawl (e.g. the social concept of Owen or Fourier) occurred. Particularly noteworthy is the work of Henri Lefebvre, the author of the idea of social creation of space. Polish space sociologists include Bohdan Jałowiecki, Stanisław Rychliński, Stanisław Ossowski, Florian Znaniecki and Aleksander Wallis.

[M. G.]

 

Literature:

Flor, Dorota. „Architektura a budowanie więzi społecznych – kształtowanie przestrzeni w oparciu o podstawy psychologii środowiskowej.” Budownictwo i Architektura, 6, (2010): 5-12.

Giddens, Anthony. Sociology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013.

Hall, Edward T. The Hidden Dimension, New York: Anchor Books, 1990.

Hofstede, Geert. Cultures and Organizations: Software of the Mind. London: McGraw-Hill UK, 1991.

Majer, Andrzej. Socjologia i przestrzeń miejska. Warszawa: PWN, 2010.

McKenzie, Roderick D., Park, Robert Ezra, Burgess, Ernest W..The City. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967.

Nagy, Elemer. Le Corbusier. Trans. Mieczysław Dobrowolny. Warszawa: Arkady, 1977.
Tuan, YI-Fu. Space and Place: The Perspective of Experience. Minneaplis: University of Minnesota Press 2001.

Wallis, Aleksander. Socjologia i kształtowanie przestrzeni. Warszawa: PIW, 1971.

Sjoberg, Gideon. The Preindustrial City: Past and Present. Glencoe: The Free Press, 1960.

SEMIOTICS OF LANDSCAPE

SEMIOTICS OF LANDSCAPE

A semiotics-inspired approach to landscape research, based on the assumption that landscapes are sign systems and as such have different meanings; the aim of landscape semiotics is to analyse these meanings.

Landscape semiotics is not a homogeneous field, so different methodological positions can be distinguished within it. Some of them are only inspired by semiotics and boil down to treating landscapes as significant (it is possible to indicate researchers who preach the same thesis, but do not consider themselves representatives of semiotics; these include representatives of landscape hermeneutics), others try to apply semiotic tools to landscape research (especially linguistic tools, but not only, because they are also based on Peirce’s theory) developed both on the grounds of structuralist and post-structural semiotics.

The assumption that landscapes are significant systems (structures), composed of elements forming complex relations, results in treating landscapes in a way analogous to texts as composed of separable units of significance. These units (and consequently landscapes) are described by means of a scheme: meaningful (i.e. the medium of meaning, in this case the landscape element) – meaning, with the relationship between them usually assumed to be arbitrary, i.e. the result of a convention (code) functioning in a given group. It is also assumed that landscape elements have these meanings and not other meanings because they enter into such and not other relationships with other elements and that deep structures of meaning (mechanisms generating meanings) can be distinguished from their specific manifestations (meanings of certain elements in specific landscapes) (Lindström, Kull and Palang 2014).

The task of landscape semiotics is therefore to read the landscapes, i.e. to identify significant elements, relations between them and codes determining meaning. In other words, a semiotic approach examines how the meanings given to neutral landscape elements have been given. For this reason, the semiotics of landscape places particular emphasis on landscape interpreters, i.e. on the people who, on the basis of social conventions, give them meaning. The codes to which most attention is paid include those concerning power relations, economics, identity, consumption, race, gender, class – it is assumed that it is these factors that cause landscapes to be perceived by people as meaningful, i.e. as carrying such and not another content. To these factors should also be added aesthetics as associated with valuing. As a field that develops the reflection on how humans relate to their environment, the semiotics of landscape is an important component of humanistic geography.

In the semiotics of landscape one of the leading vehicles used to describe the landscape is the metaphor of the text (also used in other approaches, e.g. in environmental hermeneutics), which is sometimes criticised by the proponents of semiotics themselves for its rigidity and systemic nature, excluding non-normative readings. However, this issue is not so much about the landscape as a text, but rather about the way in which the category of text is understood – in this respect the semiotics of landscape would follow the semiotics of literature. An equally controversial metaphor of language is a related factor, which involves capturing the landscape as a “speaking”, conveying a message (Spirn). The question arises: who is talking?

Landscape semiotics is sometimes combined with landscape iconography (Cosgrove). In such an approach, called the representative approach, the landscape is as Cosgrove wrote: “cultural representation, painterly way of showing, structuring and symbolising the environment” – the emphasis in the research is therefore on the analysis of various ways in which humans present the world in pictures (painting, cartography), writing (literature, official documents) and other media (e.g. film). Thus, the iconography of the landscape is being studied, reflecting the way in which humans imagine their surroundings, giving them specific meanings.

The history of gardens is an area in which research on the significance of landscapes has been developed. Gardens are landscapes designed to convey certain meanings. In the course of history, these meanings took various shapes, from iconographic, resulting from the accepted conventions, to sensual-corporeal, deriving from the physical presence of humans (Lichaczow).

The above approaches, accused of dematerialising the landscape, are opposed by phenomenological researchers, who assume that the meaning of the landscape is not only the product of social codes, but is also the result of bodily interaction between humans and landscape. The phenomenological approach gives up thinking about landscape as a certain image of reality, in favour of presenting it as a real sphere in which humans act and which is manifested in their actions.

This perspective is also connected with increasingly common approaches emphasising the importance of the material aspect of the world and the relativity of human existence, which inevitably enters into various relationships with the material world.

Semiotic research on the landscape is not limited only to the sphere of culture. Ecosemiotics examines the communicative (informative) aspects of the landscape from the perspective of the animal and plant world.

The importance of the semiotics of the landscape itself is complex. On the one hand, it helps to understand how people understand their surroundings (how they read them). On the other hand, it makes it possible to see that non-human organisms, which are usually treated as elements of the human landscape, also “have” their own significant landscapes. For these reasons, landscape semiotics is also important for landscape management and design as areas where various meanings overlap (Treib).

“Geosemiotics” and “semio-geography” are close to the term “landscape semiotics”.

[M. S.]

 

Literature:

Cosgrove, Denis. Social Formation and Symbolic Landscape. London: Croom Helm, 1984.

Cosgrove, Denis, Daniels, Stepen (eds.) The Iconography of Landscape: Essays on the Symbolic Representation, Design and Use of Past Environments. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988.

Lichaczow, Dymitr, Poezja ogrodów. O semantyce stylów ogrodowo-parkowych, trans. K. N. Sakowicz. Wrocław: Zakład Narodowy im Ossolińskich, 1991.

Lindström, Kati, Kull, Kull, Palang, Hannes. „Landscape semiotics: contribution to culture theory.” In: Estonian Approaches to Culture Theory. Approaches to Culture Theory 4 (2014): 110–132.

Treib, Mark (ed.) Meaning in Landscape Architecture and Gardens: Four Essays, Four Commentaries. New York: Routledge, 2011.

Spirn, Anne. W. The Language of Landscape. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998.

Tuan, Yi-Fu. Topophilia: A Study of Environmental Perception, Attitudes, and Values. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1974.

 

UNDERSTANDING OF LANDSCAPE

UNDERSTANDING OF THE LANDSCAPE

A landscape-oriented cognitive process in which the subject interprets its elements through the cognitive reading of signs and symbols or physical perception and experience (residence).

 

Landscape can be understood naturally – as a sphere devoid of meanings and neutral background of human activities – or culturally – then we assume that in the cognitive process physical stimuli are transformed into human impressions, ordering space and influencing its meaning. Research based on a naturalistic approach refers to natural processes and focuses on explaining phenomena. Research arising from the humanistic tradition turns to human creations, with which one works through interpretation and understanding. Within the framework of a cultural approach, there are at least two transformations of the paradigm and ways of understanding the landscape.

The first transformation is connected with modernity and consists in drawing attention to the history of landscape, looking at it through the prism of landscape painting (landscape art), the development of which is connected with gradual clearing of the field of vision. The second transformation takes place on the basis of late modernity; its essence is undermining the primary role of painting and sight, shifting the emphasis onto semiotic aspects and experience. The changes in the understanding of landscape are also intertwined with the changing ways of capturing it. While the first approach, called by Mitchell contemplative, emphasises the “innocence of the gaze”, the second, interpretive approach, understands the landscape as a system composed of many signs. They can be read and interpreted just like words. Human traces, trees, stones, water, etc. may acquire religious or political meanings, and their specific arrangements and patterns – as in literature – create genres and specific types of representation, referred to as idyll, sublimity, picturesque, etc., when given conditions are met (Mitchell).

The paradigm most strongly embedded in landscape studies is oculocentrism, which defines landscape as an object of sight. It emphasises the primary function of sight (eye) in the process of examination, interpretation and understanding (Cosgrove). At the same time, within this current we can distinguish three main approaches to landscape, the essence of which is described by metaphors: curtains, text and gaze (Wylie).

The first approach should be connected with the history of landscape painting, which tried to shape three-dimensional paintings, reflecting the visual sense of depth and perspective. The production of this illusion on a flat surface is called perspective and derives from 15th century northern Italy. As a result of this procedure, the representation of the landscape has become more geometric, structuring and subordinating the world to the perception of the subject. The invention of perspective created an impression of order, peace and harmony, but, as Cosgrove notes, these features were not qualities of space, but rather originated in the way it was perceived. We can therefore speak of illusion, a veil. Marxist tradition proclaimed that this mystification hides material conditions, creating the ideology of the bourgeois society through ways of capturing the landscape. If we agree to perceive the landscape as a veil, we attribute three special features to it. Firstly, the landscape is always a representation, which means that it should be interpreted. Secondly, it is a special point of view and is therefore subject to historical processes and different ways of representation. Thirdly, it has ideological functions and serves the purposes of a given social class, stratum or social group.

The approach to the landscape as a veil is opposed to the position proposing a comparison of landscapes to books (texts) that are both written and read, i.e. produced and interpreted. Semiotics deals with the study of relations based on signs and the senses they carry. In the area of cultural research, the constructivist paradigm represented by the post-structural current has become particularly popular with regard to it, which values the process of interpretation (at the cost of trying to read the author’s intention), construction (at the cost of discovering) of meaning, intertextualism, i.e. intertextual links (at the cost of confining oneself to a single text); movement of meanings, their fragmentariness, polyvocality and even the contradictions between them (Tilley, Duncan and Duncan, Wylie).

Thirdly, understanding of the landscape is metaphorically captured by means of the gaze category. This approach was first used by feminism, pointing out that looking at the landscape, contrary to assurances of objectivity and neutrality, is most often masculine (patriarchal) and serves to experience pleasure. Landscapes and nature, for example, are compared to female bodies, and the latter are then defined in relation to nature, cyclicality and passivity – in contrast to culture, linearity and activity as masculine elements. The landscape perceived in terms of femininity becomes an area of desire, discovery and penetration (especially in the period of geographical discoveries), but not with the help of the body (understood as a female factor), but of reason (implicitly: free from bodily prejudices). “Male’s Eye” is also characterised by voyeurism, understood as peeping. The source of pleasure in this situation is the asymmetry of the gaze, control of the situation, objectification of the passive object in relation to the active subject.

There are also non-oculocentric concepts of landscape, emphasising living space, residence and use, as well as sensual experience and symbolic understanding, which takes place through channels other than the visual ones. For this reason, Berleant distinguished from the traditionally understood (panoramic) landscape its second type, involving active participation and co-creation. The difference between them is well captured by a pair of notions: view-area. The view creates a sense of distance, less engagement, constructs the “tourist’s gaze”, accentuating vision at the expense of thinking and experiencing. In turn, the area is defined through bodily being, being thrown into the world, everyday work and being, influencing, e.g. the feeling of intimacy with places, cultural affiliation and group identity (Urry, Frydryczak and Angutek).

The methodological and interpretative approach, which emphasises the importance of subjective (individual) immersion in the world, its proximity and sensual experiences in the cognitive process, is referred to as phenomenology. Phenomenology sees artificiality in the division into the world of nature and culture, postulating the perspective of thinking about the place of humans in the world as residence, and the interpretative process as mediated not only by the mind, but also by the body, which is a slightly different tool of cognition, characterised by feeling or mobility (Tilley, Wiley, Ingold).

Phenomenology is a bridge for the development of theories known as non-representational. While eyesight structures images and the mind “reads” signs in the landscape, bodily experience may additionally be “beyond comprehension” and “pre-understanding”, most often non-spoken, and thus difficult to translate into a system of representation. For this reason, these theories underline the importance of affects, embodied habits and meanings that emerge in the relationship between humanity and its environment. The latter, understood as a material and cultural landscape, not only is and means, but also functions. This means that it does not only submit to interpretation processes in which, for example, power relations are revealed, but, like the subject, it is the causative element of relations. As such, it co-shapes the human world, e.g. by creating social relations on the one hand, and on the other hand it mediates and influences cognitive processes, i.e. understanding of the landscape (Mitchell, Waterton).

[Ł. P.]

 

Literature:

Cosgrove, Denis E. „Landscape and the European Sense of Sight – Eyeing Nature, In: K. Anderson, M. Domosh, S. Pile, N. Thrift (eds.), Handbook of Cultural Geography, London: Sage Publications, 2003.

Duncan, Nancy i Duncan, James. „Doing Landscape Interpretation”. In: The SAGE Handbook of Qualitative Geography, ed. DeLyser, Dydia [et al.] London: SAGE Publications Ltd, 2010.

Frydryczak, Beata i Angutek, Dorota. „Krajobraz i krajobrazy. Słowo wstępne”. In: Krajobrazy: antologia tekstów, Beata Frydryczak i Dorota Angutek (eds.). Poznań: Wydawnictwo PTPN, 2014.

Ingold, Timothy. The temporality of the landscape, “World Archeology”, 1993, vol. 25, 2.

Mitchell, William John Thomas. Landscape and Power. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994.

Tilley, Christopher Y. Material Culture and Text: the Art of Ambiguity. London: Routledge, 1991.

Tilley, Christopher Y. A Phenomenology of Landscape: Places, Paths, and Monuments. Oxford: Berg, 1994.

Tuan, Yi-Fi. Passing Strange and Wonderful: Aesthetics, Nature, and Culture. Washington: Island Press, Shearwater Books, 1993.

Waterton, Emma. „Landscape and non-representational theories”. In: The Routledge Companion to Landscape Studies. (eds.) Peter Howard, Ian Thompson, Emma. Waterton. New York: Routledge, 2013.

Wylie, John. Landscape. London: Routledge, 2007.

Wylie, John. „Landscape and phenomenology”. In: The Routledge companion to landscape studies, (eds.) Peter Howard, Ian Thompson, Waterton, Emma. New York: Routledge, 2013.

RECONSTRUCTION OF LANDSCAPE

RECONSTRUCTION OF LANDSCAPE

Action aimed at identifying anthropogenic factors influencing the landscape and the restoration of the past landscape, which currently does not exist as a result of its degradation or transformation.

 

Landscape reconstruction is carried out on the basis of: 1) analysis of historical sources – written sources, iconography, maps and plans; 2) results of specialised geological, geomorphological, ecological, botanical, zoological, biological, chemical, biochemical or archaeological studies; 3) observation of the contemporary landscape – terrain, presence of watercourses, rock material, contemporary human interference in the environment (Kasprowska-Nowak). There are two types of landscape reconstruction: 1) selective, in which only one component of the environment is reconstructed; 2) comprehensive, whose aim is to reconstruct all the elements that make up the landscape (Papińska).

An example of landscape reconstruction are full-size reconstructions of urban centres with their adjacent areas, and often also typical fauna and flora or virtual reconstructions of natural environments and cultural landscapes. The main tools for recreating past landscapes are: 1) GIS (Geographic Information System) systems allowing for the collection of two types of data: spatial (geodetic measurements) and descriptive (maps, plans, aerial and terrestrial photographs, satellite images or three-dimensional aerial scans) (Zapłata, Borowski); 2) geomorphological studies which make it possible to reconstruct the original form of the landscape; 3) archaeobotanical and archaeozoological studies which make it possible to reconstruct the local flora and fauna; 4) three-dimensional scanning and photogrammetry which enable visual presentation of past sites and spaces.

Landscape reconstruction is not the same as “restoring natural elements to their proper state”. (e.g. river restoration) – the latter is a term derived from the dictionary of nature protection and means one of the active ways of environmental protection.

Landscape reconstructions are presented in the form of maps, models, mock-ups or interactive animations. At present, the latter is the most popular way of presenting landscape reconstruction. Simulations and digital visualisations are mainly used by museums, but also by institutions popularising the local heritage. Examples of virtual reconstructions in Poland are visualisations created for the Museum in Biskupin, which present the history of the settlement, its construction and location in a natural environment in an understandable way. Another example can be the projects implemented at 3dScanLab UW, including a virtual reconstruction of the urban layout of the town of Zabrost based on cartographic data, iconographic materials – photographs and drawings, as well as a three-dimensional scan of the street.

[M. St.]

 

Literature:

Kasprowska-Nowak, Katarzyna. „Rekonstrukcja krajobrazu Doliny Wodącej w starszej epoce kamienia (Wyżyna Krakowsko-Wieluńska)”. Prace Komisji Krajobrazu Kulturowego 29 (2015): 79-91.

Papińska, Elżbieta. „Przegląd metod stosowanych w rekonstrukcji antropogenicznych przemian krajobrazu”.  Acta Universtitatis Lodziensis. Folia Geographica Phisica 1 (1997): 155-174.

Zapłata, Rafał, Borowski, Michał. „GIS w archeologii – przykład prospekcji i inwentaryzacji dziedzictwa archeologiczno-przemysłowego”. Rocznik Geomatyki 11/4 (2013): 103-114.

REGION

REGION

An area characterised by a relative uniformity of environmental characteristics (geographical, biogeographical, zoogeographical, climatic regions) or socio-cultural phenomena (economic, linguistic, religious, historical, ethnic and cultural regions).

 

Regions are separated from each other, but the boundaries between them cannot usually be defined precisely, just as geographical and cultural regions do not have to overlap. An example of this is Egypt, for example, which, according to its geographical division into continents, belongs to Africa, but culturally, including historically and linguistically, to the Mediterranean region (with regard to ancient cultures, the Mediterranean Sea played a unifying and not a separating role, thus contributing to the creation of the region). The exception is the borders of administrative (political) regions, which may or may not be based on cultural (including historical, linguistic, economic) determinants. Regions can function formally (in names, statistics, atlases) or informally (in the verbal tradition).

Specific regions combining both geographical and anthropogenic features are tourist regions, which are distinguished by visual aspects, often associated with the landscape and influencing its aesthetics (so-called landscape qualities, e.g. a picturesquely located village), natural resources (clean environment, air, water influencing the quality of life), economic management methods (not threatening natural resources), local produce (cheese, wine, sausages) resulting from them and building the region’s uniqueness, appearance of the inhabitants (ethnic features, ways of dressing), religion (and the presence of temples), terrain and infrastructure to encourage specific activities (skiing, climbing, cycling), historical events or the language (dialect) spoken by the inhabitants, the uniqueness of the cuisine (based on local produce and ways of preparing meals).

The region is also an area that has been recognised for its standards of thinking. Livingstone points out that knowledge depends on awareness (including regional awareness), but also on tradition in the style of thinking or political option, e.g. in some regions of the world there are scientific justifications, in others religious, mythological or magical ones; English philosophy is rather empirical, French closer to rationalism, German – to mysticism. On the other hand, knowledge has the ability to cross regional boundaries: Chinese alchemy has contributed to the development of European medicine, Arabic surface measurement methods have had an impact on European cartography, Ptolemy’s writings have only found a wider reception after their translation in Baghdad. Regionally rooted ways of thinking can affect other areas of life, including the landscape (environmental protection, lifestyles).

Regions in the geographical sense are subject to geographical research (e.g. regional geography), in the socio-cultural sense of ethnology (folklore research, dialectology). Regions distinguished by both geographical and cultural factors (interrelationship of cultural and environmental features) are subject to the study of humanistic geography, cultural anthropology, environmental psychology, history, linguistics, economics, demography and other social sciences. Geographical regions are characterised by relative permanence (e.g. changes resulting from climate change, global warming, steppe formation, etc.), while socio-cultural changes are more frequent and rapid (e.g. population migrations contribute to the spread of certain cultural patterns – including religious ones – or economic patterns, e.g. capitalism dominates in countries belonging to a cultural region called the West or the Euro-Atlantic culture).

The socio-cultural (political) movement aiming at distinguishing the region is regionalism. Representatives of the movement have a number of tools used to search for and strengthen regional identity. These include, for example, legal acts aimed at protecting the local material environment (including the natural and cultural environment), research on folklore and culture working to promote the use of appropriate names, discovering cultural heritage, local literature and poetry, creating institutions whose task is to stimulate regional awareness of residents by building (sometimes inventing) identity, mythology strengthened by regional symbols – monuments, flags, cult of heroes (Paasi, Cresswell) – with which residents could identify themselves and which can have an impact on the organisation of cultural events. Regionalism is a counterbalance to globalisation movements (Giddens, Relph).

[M. G.]

 

Literature:

Bailey, Robert G. Ecosystem Geography. New York: Springer-Verlag, 1996.

Cresswell, Tim. Place: a Short Introduction. Malden-Oxford-Carlton: Blackwell Publishing, 2004.

Entrikin, J. Nicholas. The Betweeness of Place: Towards a Geography of Modernity. London: Macmilian, 1991.

Giddens, Anthony. Runaway World: How Globalization is Reshaping Our Lives. London: Profile, 1999.

Harvey, David. Justice, Nature and the Geography of Difference. Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers, 1996.

Kondracki, Jerzy. Podstawy regionalizacji fizycznogeograficznej. Warszawa: PWN, 1969.

Livingstone, David N. Science, Space and Hermeneutics, The Hettner Lectures 2001. Heidelberg: University of Heidelberg, 2002.

Makowski, Jerzy. Geografia fizyczna świata. Warszawa: PWN, 2007

Paasi Anassi. „Place and Region: Regional Worlds and Words.” Progress ln Human Geography, 26:6 (2002): 802-811.

Relph, Edward. Place and Placelessness. London: Pion Limited, 1976.

Tilley, Christopher. A Phenomenology of Landscape: Place, Paths and Monuments. Oxford: Berg, 1994.

POINT OF VIEW

POINT OF VIEW

A place from which one can observe a large, scenic panorama or a special part of the landscape. We distinguish natural viewpoints (e.g. hills, escarpments and slopes) and artificial viewpoints (e.g. towers and viewing platforms).

 

The history of viewpoints dates back to antiquity, when the cities were located on the highest parts of the hills (mainly Hellenistic centres such as Pergamon or Lindos). At the end of the 18th century in England, and then throughout Europe and America, there was a development of landscape tourism, focused on the picturesque tours. Tourists used natural points of view – hills, mountains and peaks. In the nineteenth century, the Alps were a particularly popular destination for tourists and artists (painters or poets), fostering admiration for the picturesqueness and beauty of the mountain landscape. In Urry’s concept, the viewpoint is an integral part of the tourist attraction, focused on consumer tourism, where the decisive character is the gaze.

The point of view is an important element of ornamental gardens, where it is subordinated to the main visual axis, open to a vast panorama. Here, the viewing point was most often the windows of the palace. They play a special role in landscape parks, often marked with a bench in specially selected places from which one can admire the designed fragment of the landscape. Viewpoints are placed on the route of the walk through a park in such a way that it appears as a “picture gallery” revealing subsequent views-images during the walk.

The development of means of transport, first by rail and then by car, has created a mobile way of observing the world. Urry defines this kind of perception as spectatorial gaze, which consists in a transient recording of passing views, most often from the windows of a car, bus or train.

Artificial points of view are created on tourist trails or in areas attractive for tourists. Towers and platforms have an unquestionable impact on the landscape, either as an interesting complement to the natural landscape (e.g. at the top of a hill), or by disturbing the aesthetics or landscape of a given place. Viewpoints can also be architectural elements: church towers, towers of the town hall or radio and television towers.

One of the most famous lookout towers in the world is the Eiffel Tower from 1889. It offers a unique view of the urban landscape of Paris. The building is also an architectural landmark and a symbol of the French metropolis. A copy of the Eiffel Tower is the Blackpool Tower from 1894. This edifice allows to observe two completely different landscapes: urban and natural (in this case – maritime). The highest artificial viewpoint in Poland is located on the 49th floor of Sky Tower in Wrocław.

In Polish legislation, the definition of a viewing point is contained in the Environmental Protection Act.

[M. K., B. F.]

Literature:

Frydryczak, Beata. Krajobraz. Od estetyki the picturesque do doświadczenia topograficznego. Poznań: Wydawnictwo Poznańskiego Towarzystwa Przyjaciół Nauk, 2013.

Gyurkovich, Jacek. Znaczenie form charakterystycznych dla kształtowania i percepcji przestrzeni. Wybrane zagadnienia kompozycji w architekturze i urbanistyce. Kraków: Wydawnictwo Politechniki Krakowskiej, 1999.

Pstrocka-Rak, Małgorzata. Rak, Grzegorz. „Ocena atrakcyjności krajobrazowej punktu widokowego na przykładzie Kotliny Wałbrzyskiej”. Problemy Ekologii Krajobrazu 26 (2010): 345-62.

Urry John, Consuming places. London: Routledge, 1995.

Urry, John, The Tourist Gaze. London: Sage 2002.

„Ustawa z dnia 27 kwietnia 2001 roku. Prawo ochrony środowiska”, access: 24.06.2017. http://isap.sejm.gov.pl/DetailsServlet?id=WDU20010620627.

PSYCHOLOGY OF PLACE

PSYCHOLOGY OF THE PLACE

A discipline investigating psychological aspects of relationships between humans and their environment, with particular emphasis on the mechanisms that build the relationship between humans and places.

 

The psychology of a place is embedded in environmental psychology, which studies the relations between humans and the environment, understood in two ways: as the influence of humanity on the environment and the environment on humans. Representatives of this discipline emphasise the emotional (not intellectual) basis of human-place relations, which is expressed in specific behaviors, attitudes (social, individual) and beliefs. The concepts of place psychology use elements of social psychology, developmental psychology, cognitive psychology and behavioural psychology. In this approach, the psychological interpretation is given to the category of place, which means here not so much geographical or physical location, but rather an “internal experience” of an emotional nature.

Among the issues particularly stressed by the representatives of psychology of the place there are issues concerning: 1) the sense of belonging to a place treated in terms of familiarity, intimacy or involvement (Lewicka), 2) identity (identification with a place, both in the individual and social aspect) and 3) attachment to a place, i.e. a certain emotional attitude built on the basis of both physical and natural features of the place, as well as symbolic meanings inscribed in them, related values or history of the place (with which an individual biography may be connected), creating a sense of continuity with the past, embodying tradition (Madurowicz). Identification with a place occurs in the case of a particularly strong sense of belonging to a place, treated in terms of uniqueness (expressed e.g. in the idea of genius loci [Norberg-Schultz]), which in turn translates into human otherness (Twigger-Ross and Uzzell). The degree of this identification depends on the type of place (for some it is a family village, for others it is a region or country, etc.) and is correlated with factors such as awareness, education level and others on the basis of which people build their identity: ethnic, gender, age-related, religious or related to the presence of loved ones. Sometimes “narrow” identification (e.g. regional) is weaker than “broad” (national), sometimes vice versa.

The most important contemporary issues relating to the psychology of the place include those concerning the so-called “dynamic rooting” or “variable territory”, shaping variable and fluid identities created by the media (we identify ourselves with, for example, places known from television [Kita]). The memory of the place, both individual and social, is also an important issue considered within the psychology of the place.

The psychology of the place can be useful in urban and architectural design. The way of developing and shaping the place (surroundings, neighbourhood) may foster the creation of interpersonal relations, provide conditions for meeting needs, emphasise prestige or social status, evoke specific emotions and attitudes (Borowska).

[M. G.]

 

 

 

Literature:

Alexander, Christopher. Język wzorców. Miasta – budynki – konstrukcje, trans. A. Kaczanowska, K. Maliszewska, M. Trzebiatowska. Gdańsk: Gdańskie Wydawnictwo Psychologiczne, 2008.

Borowska, Magdalena, Estetyka i poszukiwanie znaczeń w przestrzeniach architektonicznych. Warszawa: Semper, 2013.

Lewicka, Maria, Bańka, Anna. „Psychologia środowiskowa”. In: Psychologia, tom II, ed. Jan Strelau. Gdańsk: Gdańskie Wydawnictwo Psychologiczne, 2008.

Lewicka, Maria. Psychologia miejsca. Warszawa: Scholar 2012.

Madurowicz, Mikołaj. Ciągłość miasta: prolegomena. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo UW, 2017.

Norberg-Schultz, Christian. Existance, Space and Architecture, Praeger 1971.

Norberg-Schultz, Christian. Genius loci: Towards a phenomenology of architecture. London: Academy Editions, 1980.

Relph, Edward. Place and placelessness. London: Pion Limited, 1976.

 

 

SPACE

SPACE

A concept of physics and mathematics, as well as philosophy, sociology and cultural research, where it has a symbolic meaning. It refers to the three-dimensional extent in which physical phenomena occur.

 

The concept of space is one of the basic categories for landscape studies. Space is understood as an area extending indefinitely or as a part of it delimited by borders; an open, undisturbed area; the type of spatial relations between things or places; also the place occupied by an object or the distance between point A and B. In the sociological, anthropological and cultural context, space is not studied in itself, but in relation to humans. It is one of two vectors of our life, besides time, which we can influence through the process of creating space (social, architectural, etc.). Depending on the context, space can be what exists (in a philosophical sense), relate to the relationship between objects, events and people or function as a context (physical or discursive) for intellectual activity.

In philosophy, the issue of space was discussed already in antiquity, especially in connection with the idea of space (Plato, Aristotle). In the 17th century, the category of space (just like the category of time) became one of the main epistemological and metaphysical issues. In Leibniz’s philosophy, space appeared as a record of the relationship between objects and places (understood as locations), which can be described in terms of distances and directions on which it depends in its existence. In Newton’s mechanics space appeared as an absolute existing regardless of the existence of other elements of the universe. According to Kant, the category of space cannot be deduced from experience (it is neither a substance nor a relation), it does not exist objectively and independently of the subject engaged in cognition. On the contrary, it is an a priori category through which human experience is captured. In Merleau-Ponty’s phenomenology, humans are always spatially oriented, individual life is synonymous with “being situated”, and orientation in space is part of the process of existence.

In sociology, the notion of space appears most often in studies of the city and social relations, where a clear distinction is made between social and physical space. Durkheim was the pioneer of the sociological understanding of space as a representation of social organisation, changing with the changes in society. Simmel, referring to Kant, emphasised the importance of the space of “socialisation”, understood as the process of people’s interaction. He was interested in the distant – near relationship, expressed in social relations, relations between people, but also between people and things. According to Simmel, modernity leads to overcoming the distance in the external world (telescope, microscope) and increasing it in the internal world. Contemporary people move away from their closest ones in order to establish relations with those who are distant.

In Poland, the forerunner of sociological understanding of space was Florian Znaniecki, who in his essay “Sociological Bases of Human Ecology” (1938) pointed to the humanistic meaning of space and linked it with the notion of “humanistic coefficient”. According to him, people value space and determine the way they use it. Znaniecki replaced the concept of space with “spatial values”, which means occupied or empty spaces, narrow or spacious interiors, as well as “exteriors” (seats, surroundings, borders, targeted and immeasurable areas, roads, off-roads, etc.). Spatial values form part of some un-spatial system of values (e.g. religious, aesthetic, social, etc.) and, in relation to it, acquire content and meaning.

Aleksander Wallis, analysing the social space of the city, introduced the concept of “cultural area” to define the area identified with the social space, connected with the system of knowledge, imagination, values and rules of behaviour. Individual experiences and preferences of individual individuals and social groups contribute to shaping spatial customs and values. The city consists of two interlinked but autonomous systems: urban planning, i.e. the spatial structure of the city and the social one, which consists of a community of city users.

According to Lefebvre, space is socially constructed and is subject to the relationship of power on which everyday practices depend. Even what we understand by progress, morality and rational behaviour has its spatial justification, because the excluded, in this rhetoric, create space for stagnation (backwardness), immorality and madness (e.g. districts of poverty associated with high crime rates). What we understand to be public and private, global and local or chaotic and orderly is also tied to power.

In the humanities (including humanistic geography and anthropology) space is sometimes treated as a factor determining the conditions of life and human development, subject to social and cultural shaping. Humanistic geography and anthropology define space in relation to the notions of place, road and environment. Places are judged in subjective (or inter-subjective) categories, while space in objective categories (area on the map, volume, geometry, distance to travel).

According to Tuan, space as such is abstract, impersonal, and its understanding has a cultural character. Space is also unambiguously connected with humans, whose bodies are a measure to determine its importance, range, sides and directions: top-down, right-left side, front, back, centre. Physical space does not exist independently of the bodily position of the human being, who always finds expression through movement, in relations to other people and to the environment. Space is “there”, while place is “here”. The principles of spatial organisation result from two facts: the attitude and structure of the human body and relations (close or distant) between people – based on the experience of the body, humans organise space in such a way that it corresponds to their biological needs and social relations.

Starting with Tilley, there has been a significant change in the approach to space that has allowed us to move from space as an abstract surface to space as an environment, an environment in which the various structures of human experience are fixed. According to Ingold, space should be distinguished from the landscape. Space is a cartographic representation of the earth’s surface based on a “look from nowhere”, while the landscape is rooted in human life, embodied in the experience and practice of everyday life.

Through space, as Relph points out, we get to know reality. It distinguishes individual space, i.e. bodily space, connected with the unconsciousness, sensory experiences; perceptual space, i.e. more perceptible than verbalised, always relative and qualitative space, created in everyday experience, when we conceptualise distances, directions, choose the path and move; existential space, in which the process of socialisation of an individual takes place and group activities are undertaken (here social meanings are created, symbols, rituals, borders, experience of alienation and exclusion appear); architectural space, built through the elements introduced into space, e.g. buildings and edifices that structure it; cognitive space, creating a basis for reflection, theoreticalisation, discussion and analysis.

Also in a symbolic sense, space takes on different dimensions: it can be seen as sacred (Eliade), imagined (Bachelard).

[M. G., B. F.]

 

Literature:

Bachelard, Gaston. The Poetics of Space, trans. M. Jolas. Boston: Beacon, 1994.

Cresswell, Tim. Place: A Short Introduction. Malden-Oxford-Carlton: Blackwell Publishing, 2005.

Dixon, Deborah P., Johnes, John Paul. „Poststructuralism”. In: A companion to Cultural Geography, ed. James S. Duncan, Nuala C. Johnson, Richard H. Schein, 79-108. Malden-Oxford-Carlton: Blackwell Publishing, 2004.

Hall, Edward. The Hidden Dimention, New York: Anchor Books, 1990.

Hirsch, Eric. „Landscape: Between Place and Space”. In: Anthropology of Landscape: Perspectives on Place and Space. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995.

Ingold, Tim. The Perception of Environment: Essays on Livelihood, Dwelling and Skill. London: Routledge, 2000.

Jałowiecki, Bohdan, Szczepański, Marek S. Miasto i przestrzeń w perspektywie socjologicznej. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar, 2002.

Lefebvre, Henri. The Production of Space. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1991.

Relph, Edward. Place and Placelessness. London: Pion Limited, 1976.

Tilley, Christopher. A Phenomenology of Landscape: Place, Paths and Monuments. Oxford: Berg, 1994.

Tuan, Yu Fu. Space and Place: The Perspective of Experience. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press 2001.

Wallis, Aleksander. Socjologia przestrzeni. Warszawa: Niezależna Oficyna Wydawnicza, 1990.

Znaniecki, Florian. „Socjologiczne podstawy ekologii ludzkiej”. Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny 1 (1938).

LANDSCAPE DESIGN

LANDSCAPE DESIGN

A discipline focused on understanding and shaping the landscape, developing on the basis of interdisciplinary knowledge of terrain, geology, soil, hydrology, botany, ecology, chemistry and physics. It covers planning, design and protection issues. In Poland it is identified with landscape architecture.

 

For thousands of years, people have been influencing the landscape to improve transport, access to raw materials, safety and comfort of living. In the course of civilisation development, people have increased their ability to transform the landscape in order to better serve their needs, both in terms of utility and aesthetics. Nowadays, the possibilities of subordinating the landscape to the designers’ visions are so great that we are often not able to predict all the consequences of these interventions for life and the environment.

Landscape design is an experience close to everyone who works with nature (e.g. by planting trees or growing plants). As a field of research, but also artistic and practical, it takes into account more factors than just aesthetic and functional aspects. The basic components of the designers’ work are topographical elements (terrain), vegetation and soil, water, buildings (small and large architecture), the sky and climate. When creating a landscape based on them, the shape of the landscape is negotiated, harmonising natural and cultural qualities.

Design is considered primarily according to the degree of usefulness, improving the character, quality or experience of the landscape, which varies in time and is appreciated differently depending on the culture. Initially, according to Eliot (1859-1897), landscape design was to shape and protect beauty. Until recently, functionality and aesthetics were the overriding objectives of landscape design, but today more and more attention is being paid to designs that care about sustainable development or try to influence the regeneration of changed sites, e.g. post-industrial landscapes. For this reason, two main design objectives can be mentioned: (1) creation and maintenance of a useful, beneficial and interesting landscape; and (2) protection and enhancement of the quality of the cultural and ecological landscape.

The term “landscape architecture” comes from the book On the Landscape Architecture of the Great Painters in Italy (1828) by Gilbert L. Meason, and began to gain wide recognition since the American Society of Landscape Architects (ASLA) was founded in 1899. This domain derives from garden art, architecture and planning, including the eighteenth-century English landscape school and the development of landscape gardening. The training of landscape architects at the universities began in 1900 in Harvard; in Europe it was first undertaken in 1919 in Oslo, and in Poland in 1928, when the Warsaw University of Life Sciences established the Department of Landscape Architecture and Park Science. Until the Second World War, in the United States the area of designers’ activity was mostly home gardens, residential gardens and public parks. Nowadays, the subject of activities are mainly urban, recreational and historic areas, as well as large projects implemented in regions, cities or national parks. It concerns more often material forms and processes of vegetation, water, structures, soil and topography than public policy or urban legislation.

Among the first projects of modern landscape design are American parks, such as Central Park in New York or Emerald Necklace in Boston, a green chain of five parks with a total length of eight kilometres, running along three rivers flowing through the city (by Fredrick L. Olmsted and Charles Eliot).

Designers use different landscape typologies. One of them is the division into open landscapes (rural areas, but also areas under special protection, such as national parks) and closed landscapes (urban, strongly urbanised). Another is the distinction between harmonious and disharmonious landscapes (also known as degraded landscapes), which is made for reasons of ecology and transformation of the areas concerned. Landscape architecture also focuses on the identity of places and regions, distinguishing as a consequence of these interests historic landscapes (finite spatial structures, created at a certain time, e.g. an architectural or rural complex) and historical landscapes (a combination of activities of nature and humans in the course of history). Landscape, depending on the preferred approach, is described or assessed in terms of its use (e.g. rural, sacral, tourist, park, etc.), potential (e.g. tourist), spatial composition (relation of the whole to the part), lines (linear strings, edges, borders), colour, texture or layout of landscape interiors and architectural and landscape units. In this respect, guided by the division in terms of the arrangement of solids and space, one can speak of an overlapped, closed, ephemeral, peculiar, axial or panoramic landscape. Designers care about the visual impact of architectural and landscape assumptions, therefore scale, balance and contrast, proportions and dominance of elements, number and quality of panoramas, as well as stretches and view planes are important variables in the process of analysis and creation.

Landscape design is currently more strongly connected with urban planning, which leads us to a new theoretical approach called landscape urbanism. It emphasises thinking about the city through the prism of landscape design (and not buildings), which are the basis for further development. Kongijan Yu lists five forms used in practice and theory that dominate the history of Eastern and Western culture: feng shui and geomancy (close to the assumptions of landscape urban planning, but prescientific), greenways (landscape as a recreational infrastructure and mediator of aesthetic experiences), greenbelts (green belts surrounding the city), ecological landscape network (biological protection function) and ecological infrastructure and ecosystem services (serving to maintain the stability and identity of the landscape).

[Ł. P.]

 

Literature:

Dee, Catherine. To Design Landscape: Art, Nature and Utility. London, New York: Routledge, 2012.

Holden, Robert, Liversedge, Jamie. Landscape Architecture: An Introduction. London: Laurence King Publishing, 2014.

Ingaramo, Roberta, Voghera, Anghioletta. Topics and methods for urban and landscape design: from the river to the project. Cham: Springer, 2016.

Murphy, Michael D. Landscape Architecture Theory: an Ecological Approach. Washington DC: Island Press, 2016.

Myga-Piątek, Urszula. Krajobrazy kulturowe: aspekty ewolucyjne i typologiczne. Katowice: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego, 2012.

Wilczkiewicz, Małgorzata Zofia. Kierunki rozwoju architektury krajobrazu w Stanach Zjednoczonych. Kraków: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rolniczego, 2013.

Zachariasz, Agata. „O architekturze krajobrazu, kompozycji krajobrazu i specjalistycznej terminologii – rozważania wprowadzające”. Prace Komisji Krajobrazu Kulturowego 32 (2016): 11-29.

NATURAL MONUMENT

NATURAL MONUMENT

Creation of animated and inanimate nature of particular natural, scientific, cultural, historical or landscape value.

Natural monuments include single shrubs, trees and groups of trees or historic tree-lined avenues characterised by old age, size, unusual shapes or other features (monuments of animated nature); and erratic boulders, springs, waterfalls, ravines, rocks, karst springs, river gorges, caves (monuments of inanimate nature).

 

The International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) recognises as a natural monument natural elements of the landscape, a landscape feature or a relatively small designated area in order to protect and safeguard an element or feature of nature (the monument and its surroundings). According to the IUCN, a natural monument can be a completely natural creation or contain elements introduced by humans. The latter should have properties that make it unique to the natural world (e.g. coral reefs growing on sunken ships). In order to be qualified by the IUCN as a natural monument, a monument must have natural geological or geomorphological features, possess natural features that have been culturally influenced, be a site combining natural features with cultural features or a place distinguished for its cultural qualities with an accompanying ecosystem.

The legal basis for the creation of natural monuments in Poland is the Nature Protection Act of 16 April 2004. In this country there are more than 36,000 natural monuments (GUS, 2015). The vast majority of them are single trees (e.g., the oak  called Bartek, the ash called Bolko, the oak known as Słowianin), also: tree clusters (plane avenue in Legnica), caves (Radochowska Cave), grottos  (Mechowskie Groty), boulders and rocks (erratic boulder in Trąbin, St. Adalbert’s stone, Babia Skała), springs (St. Hubert’s spring, St. John’s spring), botanical gardens (the Kazimierz Wielki Botanical Garden in Bydgoszcz), parks (Park Słowiański Natural and Landscape Complex, Źródliska Park in Łódź), forests (Chałubiński Forest).

Some of the natural monuments in Poland are connected with legends. According to one of them, the oak known as Bartek conceals treasures of Jan III Sobieski. According to another, a boulder in Mechowa was brought by the devil. According to legend, traces of his claws can still be seen on its surface to this day.

The idea of a natural monument (German: Naturdenkmal) was promoted by Alexander von Humboldt at the beginning of the 19th century.

[M.G.]

 

Literature:

Główny Urząd Statystyczny. „Pomniki przyrody w Polsce”. Data ostatniej modyfikacji 25.01.2018.

http://stat.gov.pl/obszary-tematyczne/srodowisko-energia/srodowisko/ochrona-srodowiska-2016,1,17.html.

Union for the Conservation of Nature. „Natural Monument or Feature”. Data ostatniej modyfikacji 25.01.2018.

https://www.iucn.org/theme/protected-areas/about/protected-areas-categories/category-iii-natural-monument-or-feature.

Ustawa z dnia 16 kwietnia 2004 r. o ochronie przyrody, Dz.U. 2004 nr 92 poz. 880.

SCENERY

SCENERY
A word with French etymology (“paysage”), in a broad, everyday sense meaning scenery, view, while in a narrower sense – a genre of visual arts, mainly painting, including images of views of nature. Landscape.

 

Scenery understood as a genre of the visual arts can have an urban (veduta), maritime (marina) character, it can also show views of the countryside or wild nature. In a landscape human figures (staffage) play a small role (they appear as figures in the landscape). The scenery can be maintained in a realistic and fantastic convention, or it can be stylised in reference to the idyllic tradition or such aesthetic categories as the picturesque or the sublime.

Kenneth Clark identifies four types of landscape: symbolic, factual, fantastic and ideal. He places the birth of the ideal landscape at the end of the Middle Ages, noticing its close affinity with the symbolic landscape. For both types the inspiration came from the dream of paradise on earth and both focused on the issue of Arcadian harmony between humans and nature. Clark discusses the basic assumptions of the ideal landscape using the example of 17th-century painting, comparing it with the factual landscape characteristic for northern Europe. The researcher noted that the factual landscape, which was developing vigorously in the Renaissance, at the turn of the 18th century transformed into a topographical model, and the aesthetic category of the picturesque became the most characteristic of the fantastic landscape. From this point of view, the development of landscape painting and its subsequent stages can be considered as elements of a process in which the discovery and study of landscape turned into its glorification, which in turn is a manifestation of a more general tendency to aestheticise nature.

The birth and rapid development of European landscape painting (Białostocki, Gombrich) coincided with the discovery of the beauty of nature and landscape in the 15th century (Burckhardt, Białostocki), Renaissance art flourished, the linear (Alberti) and air perspective (Leonardo da Vinci) were invented. Since the 16th century, there have been differences between the Italian landscape, more conventionalised (in the Arcadian, heroic, idyllic type), which in the 17th century influenced French landscape painting, and the Northern European landscape (especially Dutch), which had a descriptive and realistic character (Alpers). Alpers, characterising the differences between the Italian and Dutch landscapes, points out that the Italian landscape gives a sense of depth and the Dutch landscape represents a flat landscape; in the Italian landscape the view is captured in imaginary frames (Alberti’s “window”), in the Dutch version visual experience transcends frames, suggesting that it is a fragment of reality. As a consequence, two types of gaze have coexisted in the art of European landscape since the 17th century: panoramic (perspective, Italian type) and topographic (Dutch type). Since the 17th century, the landscape has functioned as an independent painting genre, mainly due to Dutch painters. The landscape painting developed intensively during the Romantic period. Two new varieties of this genre were created: mystical (Friedrich) and realistic (Turner, Constable). At the turn of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, influenced by romantic aesthetics, the romantic landscape emerged, showing nature in a poetic way. From the first half of the 19th century the realistic landscape (the Barbizonian school) started to develop: painters practicing this type of landscape worked in the open air. This tradition was continued by the impressionists, who made the landscape (urban and non-urban) one of the main motifs of their work. Although the works of this genre were also created by artists in the 20th century (and still are today), with the advent of the avant-garde, the painting landscape has lost much of its significance.

The aesthetic category of the picturesque has contributed to the development of the landscape, which has consolidated the perception of the landscape as worthy (or not) of painting. The interpretation of picturesqueness as an aesthetic category was presented by William Gilpin, who mentioned chiaroscuro effects, diversity and irregularity emphasising the dramaturgy of nature as desirable features of the landscape. The landscape was picturesque in as much as it pleased the eye and was worth immortalising it on canvas (Claude Lorrain’s work was a model of picturesqueness). This understanding of landscape is closely linked to the creation of a new style in landscape gardening: landscape parks.

In the 18th century, the idea of scenery also contributed to the development of tourism, when trips began to be taken in search of picturesque views. The heir to this tradition is the contemporary concept of viewpoints materialising the “tourist’s gaze”. (Urry).

[B. F., M. G.].

 

Literature:

Alpers, Svetlana. The Art of Describing. Dutch Art in the Seventeenth Century. Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1984.

Białostocki, Jan. Narodziny nowożytnego krajobrazu. In: Krajobrazy. Antologia tekstów, ed. Beata Frydryczak, Dorota Angutek. Poznań: Wydawnictwo PTPN, 2014.

Clark, Kenneth. Landscape into Art. London: John Murray, 1952.

Frydryczak, Beata. Krajobraz. Od estetyki the picturesque do doświadczenia topograficznego. Poznań: Wydawnictwo PTPN, 2013.

Gombrich, Ernst H. The Renaissance Theory and the Rise of Landscape. In: Norm and Form, New York and London: Phaidon Press, 1985.

Jackson, John. B. The Necessity for Ruins and Other Topics. Amherst: The University of Massachusetts Press, 1980.

Ritter, John. Landschaft: zur Funktion des Ästhetischen in der modernen Gesellschaft, Münster: Aschendorff Verlag, 1963.

Shepard, Paul. Man in the Landscape. A History of the Esthetics of Nature. Georgia: University of Georgia Press, 2002.

Simmel, Georg. Philosophie der Landschaft. In: Brücke und Tor. Stuttgart, 1957.

NATIONAL PARK

NATIONAL PARK

An area under legal protection, distinguished by special natural qualities, preserved in its natural state or close to its natural state, valued for its landscape, cultural, educational, scientific and social qualities.

 

According to the International Union for Conservation of Nature, a national park is a natural area which was established in order to protect ecosystems and preserve them for present and future generations. In the Polish legislation it is defined by the Nature Conservation Act of 2004, which at the same time defines the management and operation of the national park. A park is created in order to preserve biodiversity, inanimate nature formations and landscape features, to restore the proper condition of natural resources and components, and to recreate distorted natural, plant, animal or fungi habitats.

Passive or active nature protection is carried out in the national parks. The latter involves, for example, protection of animals: reintroduction of species (e.g. European bison in the Białowieża Primeval Forest) or providing them with the best developmental conditions, e.g. through breeding centres and rehabilitation centres for animals. In the case of forest ecosystem, national parks are used to protect and rebuild the forest stand (sanitary pruning, removal of fallen trees and forest nurseries). Parks also protect specific plant species and aquatic ecosystems existing there.

An important function of national parks is to make the protected area available to tourists and nature lovers for recreation and teaching purposes. Some parks have the necessary tourist infrastructure, e.g. trekking routes, hostels, campsites, cable cars.

Yellowstone Park in the United States (established in 1872) was the first national park in the world. The oldest such park in Europe is Sarek in Sweden (1909). In Poland, the first legal acts establishing national parks were adopted in 1932 and concerned the Pieniny National Park and the Białowieża National Park (considered the oldest in the Polish legal system due to the restitution carried out in 1947, currently on the UNESCO World Heritage List). There are 23 national parks in Poland.

Other forms of nature protection functioning in Poland, related to national parks, but of lesser institutional and legal importance, are a nature reserve and a landscape park.

[M. K., B. F.]

 

Literature:

Goetel, Walery. Rozwój idei parków narodowych. Kraków: Zakład Ochrony Przyrody i Zasobów Naturalnych PAN, 1959.

Hibszer, Adam. Parki narodowe w świadomości i działaniach społeczności lokalnych. Katowice: Uniwersytet Śląski, 2013.

Liszewski, Stanisław. „Przestrzeń turystyczna parków narodowych w Polsce”. Gospodarka i Przestrzeń (2009): 187-201.

Parki narodowe w Polsce (Warszawa: Departament Ochrony Przyrody, 2010), access 15.04.2017.

https://www.mos.gov.pl/g2/big/2011_01/b52618a356a47d83dc66b0a34aefb9a0.pdf.

Partyka, Józef. „Udostępnianie turystyczne parków narodowych w Polsce a krajobraz”. Prace Komisji Krajobrazu Kulturowego 14 (2010): 252-263.

Scześciło, Dawid. Regulacja tworzenia i powiększania parków narodowych w Polsce. Propozycja ClientEarth Poland na rzecz modelu partycypacyjnego (Warszawa: ClientEarth Poland 2011), access 15.04.2017.

https://www.clientearth.org/reports/rapor-to-parkach-narodowych-clientearth.pdf.

PARK

PARK

Landscape style in horticulture or a form of urban green areas, developed in the eighteenth century in England, popularised in the nineteenth century throughout Europe, initially characteristic of large rural estates.

 

In the 19th century it was introduced in towns as a public city park. The park is a response to the formal style in horticulture, which was manifested in the French garden (e.g., Le Nôtre in Versailles), perceived as a manifestation of absolutism, contrary to the freedom pursued in the programme of English landscape parks. It was also a reaction to Addison’s appeal to transform existing gardens into “beautiful landscapes”. Historians of garden art point to garden forms preceding the park, such as the Renaissance flower meadow, hunting park, Chinese garden, but the final form and aesthetics of the landscape park were developed by English aesthetics, designers and gardeners (e.g. Addison, Price, Kent, “Capability” Brown, Repton). The following terms are sometimes used interchangeably: landscape park, English park, picturesque park, romantic park. In the city, the park was to fulfil recreational and hygienic functions (it was to improve health conditions and eliminate air pollution), as well as provide entertainment for the working population within the city limits.

Garden and park art in the landscape trend is a way of designing the environment taking into account climatic, geographical and cultural conditions in conjunction with the surrounding landscape. Indication of the park’s stylistic programme as a search for diversity, asymmetry and variability required the mapping out of walking paths, terrain (hills, artificial rivers and lakes), introduction of architecture (bridges, artificial ruins, cascades, caves) and significant places, symbolically characterised by the architectural programme (temples, obelisks, monuments). An important factor taken into account when establishing a park and designing its character was the time that vegetation needs for optimal, free growth in order to achieve the assumed landscape effect. New rules for designing park areas were introduced: painting sketches of future views were decisive, not architectural plans. The whole was supposed to create a carefully thought-out composition, constructed according to strictly defined rules of the picturesque, fully revealed during the journey, following the marked routes, but also the viewpoints located on their way. The park was to function as a “picture gallery” of sorts, read “in motion” by a stroller/wandering person and on the grounds of their multi-sensual, but above all visual experience. The most famous and interesting parks of this kind are Stowe in England, Mużakowski Park on the Polish-German border or Zofijówka in Ukraine.

The model of landscape parks entered the cities in the nineteenth century as a public city park, established from scratch or transformed from a private park (palace, manor park) and open to residents. The introduction of the park’s landscape style into the city changed it into a type of green enclave isolated from the hustle and bustle of the city, reminiscent of a natural extra-urban space, encouraging walks and recreation. All city parks had several elements in common: often a location in the city centre, a dense frame of trees separating the park from the city, open spaces covered with lawns and clearings, recreational and sports areas (from pitches to aqueducts), garden architecture (benches, gazebos, pavilions, restaurants). The park was supposed to be a self-sufficient space with various functions, whose main purpose was rest, recreation and education. As the “green lungs of the city”, the park was supposed to balance the growing population and urban pollution. In London, the most interesting examples from this period are: Regent’s Park (open to residents in the 1830s) and Battersea Park, both in landscape style, with a rich and varied garden plan, in which numerous clearings, roads, walking alleys, a pond, a botanical garden, places for recreation, games, team games, restaurants have been designed. The most famous and largest public parks include Central Park in New York, Hyde Park in London or Tiergarten in Berlin. In Poland, on the other hand, it is worth mentioning Łazienki Królewskie in Warsaw or Krakow’s Planty.

Contemporary city parks, while maintaining the same range of functions attributed to them, depart from the idea of a landscape park, setting the principle of stylistic diversity, but maintained in the spirit of sustainable development: from industrial parks to ecoparks. Less frequently they are created in city centres (with the exception of so-called pocket parks, squeezed into small, undeveloped areas and integrated with architecture), located rather on their outskirts, in reclaimed or post-industrial areas, in an environment degraded in social terms and in terms of landscape.

Among the new forms of parks, amusement parks such as Disneyland and in Poland the dinosaur park (e.g. in Rogów near Biskupin, which can be seen as an archaeological family park), which offer completely artificial, imagined spaces, serving only for fun, offering a kind of hyper-reality and simulacrum in place of what is real.

A new form is also a sensory park, i.e. a park that is designed to affect all the senses, with an emphasis on non-visual stimuli. Parks of this type have an educational, therapeutic and relaxation character and are often addressed to the disabled (especially blind people). In the structure of the sensory park, sound effects are used, such as water noise, bird singing or the crunch of gravel, as well as fragrances generated by specially selected plants. Hugo Kukelhaus was the forerunner of the idea of the sensory park. One of the first sensory parks in Poland is the “Stanisław Lem Experiences Garden” established in 2007 in Czyżyny near Kraków.

The term park (national, landscape) is also used to refer to legally protected natural and cultural areas, taking into account cultural, historical or landscape qualities.

[B. F.]

 

Literature:

Böhme, Gernot. Für eineökologische Naturästhetik. Frankurt/M: Surkamp 1989.

Ciołek, Gerard. Ogrody polskie. Warszawa: Arkady, 1978.

Howard, Ebenezer. Garden Cities of Tomorrow. Memphis: General Books LLC 2012.

Łukasiewicz, Aleksander, Łukasiewicz, Szymon. Rola i kształtowanie zieleni miejskiej. Poznań: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu, 2006.

Majdecki, Longin. Historia ogrodów. Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1978.

Rozmarynowska, Katarzyna. „O wzajemnych relacjach człowieka, przyrody, ogrodu i miasta”. Estetyka i Krytyka 12 (2007): 13-41.

Salwa, Mateusz. Estetyka ogrodu. Między sztuką a ekologią. Łódź: Wydawnictwo Przypis, 2016.

Lichaczow, Dimitrij. Poezja ogrodów. O semantyce stylów ogrodowo-parkowych, trans. K.N. Sakowicz. Wrocław – Warszawa- Kraków: Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich, 1991.

Hunt, John Dixon. The Figure in the Landscape. Poetry, Painting and the Gardening during the Eigtheenth Century. London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976.

SURROUNDINGS

SURROUNDINGS

An area stretching around a place, closely connected with it, established by human activity. It has a spatial (topographical) and symbolic character. An unknown surroundings can be learned by wandering around it.

 

The neighbourhood surrounds the place as a space inhabited by humans. In Ingold’s concept it is a “given space” in which purposefulness, practical action and everyday activity take place; in Heidegger’s concept it is a space in which understanding takes place.

Surroundings defines the periphery of places, connects them by means of a network of roads and paths that we mark out and travel through in the everyday process of living; it acquires meaning for the human being in the process of learning about the places and landmarks that are connected and bonded by the roads that run around it. In this sense, it is subject to topographical experience. Being on the road is not only a way of getting to know the neighbourhood (in the topographical, social and cultural sense) and giving meaning to it; it is also a way of filling it with our presence. Thanks to wandering (movement) the neighbourhood is updated by people, can expand, acquires directions and sides. With time, the directions fill up with meanings (they lose their objective character as points on the map), acquire the qualities of subjective sides, which we distinguish on the basis of previous experiences, which we fill up with individual contents (Buczyńska-Garewicz). The wandering takes place in time, which means that the neighbourhood combines space and time (recognition and creation of the neighbourhood takes place over time).

The environment is a space of life and action in which humans leave their traces (material and symbolic), recorded in its topographical, material and symbolic shape, resulting from the ways of living, the economy, use of land; it is reflected in the image of fauna and flora, cultural activity, including that what determines identity (Edensor).

In the experience of the surroundings one should distinguish between the perspective of the resident and the perspective of the tourist. From the perspective of the inhabitant, it has the character of a living space (already explored, a look “from the inside”). From the tourist’s perspective, it is a space for exploration, which can be assessed from an aesthetic or recreational point of view (a look “from the outside”).

Nowadays, the meaning of the term is changing due to the development of technology. The surroundings can be the whole world, and a computer and smartphone can be a tool that mediates the perception of reality. The place becomes the view displayed on the monitor screen, the road – the route displayed by GPS. We inhabit the whole world (or its fragments present in the media and subjected to interpretation), because it becomes our experience, even if mediated by the screen of the monitor. In a sense, the neighbourhood is reduced here to the role of a view (to which it is in significant opposition), experienced by means of computer applications with the sense of sight. Topographical experience, however, cannot be reduced to the route that one has travelled physically. The surroundings interpreted in this way becomes a source of identity understood not in geographical terms, but as a community of interests (concerns, fear, passion, etc.).

[M. G., B. F.]

Literature:

Buczyńska-Garewicz, Hanna. Miejsca, strony, okolice. Przyczynek do fenomenologii przestrzeni. Kraków: Universitas, 2006.

Edensor, Tim. National Identity, Popular Culture and Everyday Life, London: Berg, 2002.

Frydryczak, Beata. Krajobraz. Od estetyki the picturesque do doświadczenia topograficznego, Poznań: Wydawnictwo PTPN, 2013.

Heidegger, Martin. Building, Dwelling, Thinking. In: Poetry, Language, Thought. New York: Harper Colophon. Books, 1971.

Ingold, Tim. The Perception of the Environment. Essay of Livelihood, Dwelling and Skill. London – New York: Routledge, 2000.

Tuan, Yu Fu. Topophilia: A Study of Environmental Perception, Attitudes, and Values. Columbia University Press, 1990.

HOMELAND

HOMELAND

A theoretical-emotional construct that binds a particular community to a given territory as a place of residence of its ancestors (“country of ancestors”); “correlations of certain mental attitudes that are part of the cultural heritage of social groups”. (Ossowski); ancestral land; the opposite of foreign land.

As an idea, homeland (in both meanings, although most often it applies to the ideological homeland) plays a role in building a sense of community bond. What binds a person with their homeland is the fate of ancestors (the so-called founding myths), the history of the nation, tradition, religion, language; often a positive emotional bond, a sense of respect expressed in the attitude of patriotism (love for the homeland manifesting itself in sacrifice, putting the collective good before the individual, readiness to sacrifice one’s life in defense of it). The notion of homeland, like the notion of nation, is sometimes strongly ideologised and has an imaginative character (Gellner, Anderson). It is a colloquial term, functioning in the consciousness, without legal connotations (the homeland should be distinguished from the notions of “state” and “citizenship”).

The idea of the homeland is connected with the memory manifested, among others, in monuments reminding about places, events and heroes important to the nation. Remembrance plays a role in the collective rituals that bind a given area and its community, through which the idea of the homeland is expressed and strengthened (these rituals are often of political significance, also religious rituals are sometimes politically important). Rituals can be taken over (appropriated) or invented, creating and sustaining the myth of a community uniting places, people and values [Anderson].

The idea of the homeland is sometimes built around the elements of the environment characteristic for a given country that make up the national landscape, e.g. fauna and flora (European bison and storks as symbols of Poland), climate (“golden Polish autumn”), geography, ways of organising space, etc. National landscapes become a part of identity and, as a result, are sometimes considered by the members of a given nation as the most beautiful in aesthetic terms (such a stereotype applies, for example, to the Polish Baltic coast, Polish mountains, etc.).

[M. G., B. F.]

 

Literature:     

Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso, 1983.

Cresswell, Tim. Place: a Short Introduction. Malden, USA, Oxford, UK and Carlton, Australia: Blackwell Publishing, 2004.

Gellner, Ernest. Nations and Nationalism. Ithaka, New York: Cornell University Press, 2008.

Ossowski, Stanisław. O ojczyźnie i narodzie. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, 1984.

Hobsbawn, Eric, Ranger, Terence (eds.). The Invention of Tradition. Cambridge University Press, 1983.

PATRIMONY

PATRIMONY

Land within the meaning of assets inherited from the father; the legacy of tangible or intangible assets characteristic of the inhabited place, family, clan, tribe.

 

Partimony as fathers’ legacy means the assets and goods owned by or associated with a given family (clan), often for many generations, and therefore marked with a positive emotional charge; sometimes it is mythologized, becoming a component of family or clan stories. Lack of patrimony can mean uprooting (absence of belonging to a particular land, family, place) and condemnation to exile.

The term “patrimony” in Polish refers to the inheritance in the male line “from the father”, “from the sword”, so called patrylinearism, in which the son inherits from the father. In other cultures, it can take the form of inheritance in the female line, the so-called matrilinearism, in which the nephew inherits from his uncle, his mother’s brother.

Patrimony can sometimes be unwanted heritage, especially when there are no assets (including financial ones) or if the assets to which it refers contradict current trends and traditions. Examples include the statues of Buddha (a UNESCO World Heritage Site) destroyed in Bamyan, Afghanistan, in 2001, the cultural revolution in China resulting in the destruction of thousands of artifacts, or the deliberate policy of destruction and devastation of the Angkor Wat temple complex in Cambodia. Sometimes they are abandoned and forgotten (when a community dies out or moves to a new place, such as the Mexican city of Teotihuacán, which until the 10th century was the centre of political and religious power).

[M.G. ]

 

Literature:

Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso, 1983.

Burszta, Józef. Kultura ludowa – kultura narodowa: szkice i rozprawy. Warszawa: LSW, 1974.

Relph, Edward. Place and Placelessness. London: Pion Limited, 1976.

GARDEN

GARDEN

A place where plants (flowers, shrubs, trees, etc.) are grown primarily for decorative purposes, but also for use; as the term itself indicates, a garden is a fenced, i.e. separate (physically or conceptually) area in which humans tame and subordinate nature, making it perform various functions (aesthetic, recreational, economic) and carry various meanings (cultural, social, political).

 

A garden can also be understood more narrowly as a product of garden art (landscape architecture) opposed to a park. In this approach, a garden is identified with a geometric garden, while the park is identified with a garden in a landscape (sentimental) style.

The composition of a garden determines both the spatial relations between its elements, as well as the selection of these elements. The components of a garden are the topography, vegetation, small architecture, water. The composition of a garden depends on the function it is supposed to perform and the content it is supposed to convey; it is also influenced by general aesthetic tendencies characteristic for a given epoch and a given area (Ciołek, Majdecki).

In one form or another, gardens have appeared in most cultures. The first gardens were created already in the ancient East, as well as in Greece and Rome. We draw information about them exclusively from written sources. Descriptions of fictional ancient gardens are also known (e.g. description of the garden of Alkinoos in Odyssey). In the European tradition, the prototype of the garden was Eden, a biblical paradise. Many garden projects can be seen as an attempt to embody this ideal in accordance with the vision of nature and the relationship between nature and man (Grzelakowa). Gardens were also created in the Middle Ages, when they were mostly located near palaces and monasteries (cloister garths) – they are known not only from literary sources, but also from works of art. The intensive development of garden art occurred with the advent of the modern era. In the Renaissance, gardens complemented the palace architecture and were an inalienable element of villas. In the 17th century, garden art was most vividly present in France, where the type of Baroque (French) garden developed. In the eighteenth century, the most important contribution to this field was made by English designers, who developed the concept of a landscape garden (park), in many respects also dominant in the nineteenth-century eclecticism and numerous public gardens (parks) that have been built since then.

Gardens have also played an important role in the Arab culture (Arabian gardens) and China and Japan (Chinese and Japanese gardens). Arabic and Far-Eastern garden art – especially Chinese – has had an overwhelming influence on European artists (e.g. 18th century Chinese-English gardens).

Although garden typology can be created in a variety of ways, referring, for example, to their functions (botanical gardens, kitchen gardens, therapeutic gardens), users (gardens for the blind, children’s gardens), senses affected (landscape gardens, fragrant gardens), stylistic and content typology is most commonly used for European gardens. A distinction is therefore made between geometric gardens, associated with French achievements in garden art (gardens in Versailles), but with roots in the Renaissance, and landscape gardens (18th-century gardens in Great Britain, e.g. Stourhead), preferred by, among others, the Romantics. This division corresponds to some extent to the division into emblematic (representative) and sentimental gardens (Hunt, Lichaczow).

Geometric gardens are characterised by regular compositions, mainly using geometric shapes, which are also given to plants, selected in such a way as to emphasise the regularity of the project. The most frequently used elements are rows of evenly cut trees or shrubs, grassy and floral ground floors and garden cabinets (interiors). “Green Architecture” was supposed to be an extension of the palace architecture and be governed by similar rules. Landscape gardens, on the other hand, grew out of the fascination with the natural landscape. They were to offer picturesque views, creating the impression that the nature in them was not cultivated, but remained in a “wild” state. While geometric gardens grew out of a vision of nature governed by mathematical laws and harnessed by man, landscape gardens showed spontaneous and unpredictable nature, of which man is only a small element.

Until the 18th century, most of the gardens were emblematic in nature, i.e. by means of the garden composition itself, as well as sculptures, inscriptions and buildings, they carried a symbolic message that should have been read. With the blossoming landscape gardens, the emphasis was placed not on intellectual content, but on emotions – the garden was supposed to affect feelings, spreading a certain atmosphere. This tendency was most strongly noticeable in sentimental and romantic gardens.

In the 19th and 20th centuries, public gardens (parks) and home gardens flourished. Both of them were supposed to be primarily for recreation, so the issues of their content remained a secondary matter. Although in the twentieth century there was no shortage (and there is still no shortage) of excellent garden projects created by renowned garden architects, the daily gardens, both in terms of quantity and social importance, have come to the foreground as a result of amateur activities (Gawryszewska). From this perspective, the 20th century can be called the age of gardens.

Regardless of its function, style or content, a garden is a close combination of culture (art) and nature. On the one hand, it is the creation of humans, on the other hand, its basic element is nature, which often resists humans. For this reason, gardens are sometimes called the “third nature”, in opposition to both the “first nature”, i.e. nature untouched by human hands, and the “second nature”, i.e. town and village (Hunt). “Humans alone among the animals make gardens, and because humans are themselves an intricate mix of natural and cultural elements, the gardens they produce arguably come to represent that human condition more completely than other artifacts simply because of their involvement of cultural and natural materials (organic and inorganic).” (Hunt)

Despite their cultural and natural character, gardens are traditionally treated as cultural products. However, today they are increasingly often thought of in non-anthropocentric terms, being seen as places where a human-non-human community is formed, constantly bursting with various conflicts (Pollan). As Mara Miller notes: “Gardens are less product than processes, and less object than environments. As process, they thematise issues of  temporality, control and response, subjectivity and objectivity; they resist the power and authority of the viewing/making subject; perhaps most important, they mediate in a dynamic way the tensions within a given culture between the oppositions od or dichotomies with which it is preoccupied: polarities between human and divine, living and dead, order and chaos, public and private, wild and domesticated, natural and artificial, internal and external, static and changing, animate and inanimate, subjective and objective, contingent  and absolute, sacred and profane”.

As spaces organised around these dichotomies, they are also interesting from an anthropological-philosophical point of view (Assunto, Gazda and Gołąb, Sosnowski, Salwa).

The ability to design, establish and cultivate gardens has become known as garden art (Miller, Ross, Turner). Although this expression is still in use, in the 19th century it was largely replaced by the term “garden architecture”. Garden architecture is a field of landscape architecture (design), i.e. a discipline that emerged around the middle of the 19th century and has a much wider scope than the creation of gardens. The idea that the natural environment of humans can be composed with aesthetic and utilitarian considerations in mind was expressed in the art of creating gardens.

Research on gardens has a relatively long tradition, dating back to the second half of the 19th century and growing out of a very extensive body of literature devoted to the establishment of gardens, both theoretically and practically, created since the Renaissance. An increased interest in garden art was observed in the second half of the twentieth century and meant that gardens were no longer dealt with solely from the point of view of art history, developing an interdisciplinary approach characteristic of garden studies (Leslie and Hunt, Mosser).

The perception of the specificity of garden art and gardens compared to other arts and cultural goods has also contributed to the development of the theory and practice of their conservation. In 1981, the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) adopted the Florence Charter, a document supplementing the provisions of the charters defining the rules of conservation of architectural works, which for the first time defined the concept of a historic garden and the rules of preservation of historic gardens. It is worth mentioning here the contribution of Polish scholars to research on gardens and their conservation (Bogdanowski, Ciołek, Majdecki, Szafrańska).

[M. S.]

 

Literature:

Assunto, Rosario. Ontologia e teleologia del giardino. Milano: Guerinie e Associati, 1988.

Bogdanowski,  Janusz. Polskie ogrody ozdobne. Historia i problemy rewaloryzacji. Warszawa: Arkady, 2000.

Ciołek, Gerard. Ogrody polskie, ed. J. Bogdanowski. Warszawa: Arkady, 1978.

Gawryszewska, Beata. Ogród jako miejsce w krajobrazie zamieszkiwanym, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Wieś Jutra, 2013.

Gazda, Grzegorz, Gołąb, Mariusz (ed.) Przestrzeń ogrodu – przestrzeń kultury. Kraków: Universitas, 2008.

Grzelakowa, Eliza. W poszukiwaniu Edenu. Gniezno: Wydawnictwo PTPN, 2008.

Hunt, John Dixon. „Gardens. Historical Overview”. In: Encyclopaedia of Aesthetics, t. 2, ed. M. Kelly, 271-274. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998.

Hunt, John Dixon. Greater Perfections: the Practice of Garden Theory. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000.

Leslie, Michael (ed.) A Cultural History of Gardens, t. 1–6. London: Bloomsbury, 2013.

Lichaczow, Dymitr. Poezja ogrodów. O semantyce stylów ogrodowo-parkowych, trans. Kaja Natalia Sakowicz. Wrocław: Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich, 1991.

Majdecki, Leon. Historia ogrodów, t. 1–2, zmiany i uzupełnienia Anna Majdecka-Strzeżek. Warszawa: PWN, 2007.

Miller, Mara. „Gardens. Gardens as Art”. In: Encyclopaedia of Aesthetics, t. 2, ed. M. Kelly, 274-279. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998.

Mosser, Monique and Teyssot, Georges. The History of Garden Design: the Western Tradition from the Renaissance to the Present Day. New York: Thames and Hudson, 2000.

Pollan, Michael. Second Nature: a Gardener’s Education. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1991.

Ross, Stephanie. What Gardens Means. Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2001.

Salwa, Mateusz. Estetyka ogrodu. Między sztuką a ekologią. Łódź: Przypis, 2016.

Sosnowski, Leszek, Wójcik, Anna Iwona (ed.) Ogrody – zwierciadła kultury, t. 1-2. Kraków: Universitas, 2008.

Szafrańska, Małgorzata. Człowiek w renesansowym ogrodzie. Kraków:  Miniatura 2011.

Turner, Tom. Garden History: Philosophy and Design, 2000 BC—2000 AD. London: Taylor and Francis, 2005.

LANDSCAPE PROTECTION

LANDSCAPE PROTECTION

Measures aimed at maintaining the original condition and natural and cultural qualities of the landscape.

 

In Poland, the first official document concerning landscape protection and conservation was the Act of 1980, which introduced legal regulations and established landscape parks. The document was a response to the progressive degradation of the natural landscape and mass industrialisation of the country, which began after 1945. Another legal act in the Polish legislation strengthening landscape conservation was the Nature Conservation Act of 2001. It defined the forms of landscape conservation existing in Poland (including: national park, nature reserve, landscape park, protected landscape area, Natura 2000 area, nature monument, ecological site and natural and landscape complex). The document took into account the need to protect many landscape types: urban, suburban, industrial, rural and settlement.

A significant change in the perception of landscape conservation was brought about by the so-called “presidential” Landscape Act of 2015. The Act defined several important concepts related to landscape protection, such as advertising, signboard, landscape and priority landscape or landscape dominant. Within the framework of the Act, the institution of a landscape audit has been established, responsible for indicating protected landscapes in particular voivodships, defining their features and qualities and locating priority landscapes. The document indicates places and borders of cultural parks, national and landscape parks, nature reserves, protected landscape areas and objects included in the UNESCO World Heritage list and areas of the UNESCO World Network of Biosphere Reserves.

In the local law we have the urban landscape protection principle (UZOK), which defines the principles of spatial development taking into account the landscape qualities. Other acts play a minor role in landscape conservation, e.g. the Act on Maritime Areas of the Republic of Poland and Maritime Administration of 1991 (coastal landscapes), the Forest Act of 1991 (forest landscapes) and the Agricultural and Forestry Land Protection Act of 1995 (rural, agricultural, hydrogenic landscapes), the Act on the Protection and Care of Historical Monuments of 2003 (historical and archaeological landscapes).

Polish legislation lists two forms of landscape protection. In the light of the Nature Conservation Act, these include a landscape park, an area of protected landscape and a natural and landscape complex. Polish Monuments Protection Act also introduces the protection of cultural parks.

Due to its complexity, the cultural landscape and cultural heritage are under particular protection. The forms of protection of the aforesaid landscape type have been taken into account in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland (especially Articles 5 and 6), the Act on the Protection and Care of Monuments of 2003, the Act on Spatial Planning and Development of 2003, the Construction Law of 1994 and in strategic documents: The National Programme of Culture “Protection of monuments and cultural heritage” and the Concept of spatial development of the country.

The European Landscape Convention of 2000 distinguishes two approaches to landscape conservation: passive (aimed at landscape conservation and maintenance) and active (consisting in making harmonised changes within the landscape). In addition to the European Landscape Convention, there are a number of other international regulations relating to the protection of the landscape and its elements, such as the Ramsar Convention (1971) on Wetlands of International Importance, the Bern Convention (1979) on the Conservation of European Wildlife and Natural Habitats, the Convention for the Protection of the Architectural Heritage of Europe (Grenada 1985), the Valetta Convention on the Protection of the Archaeological Heritage (1992) and the new Helsinki Convention (1992) on the Protection of the Marine Environment of the Baltic Sea Area. These conventions are also an important part of the Polish landscape conservation system.

Many international and local ecological movements are also interested in landscape protection.

[B. F., M. K.]

 

Literature:

Bogdanowski, Janusz. Konserwacja i kształtowanie w architekturze krajobrazu: wybrane problemy. Kraków: Politechnika Krakowska, 1972.

Ciechanowicz-McLean, Janina. Międzynarodowe prawo ochrony środowiska. Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1999.

Ciołek, Gerard. Zarys ochrony i kształtowania krajobrazu. Warszawa: Arkady, 1964.

Degórski, Marek. „Problemy planowania ochrony krajobrazu w Polsce”. Problemy planowania ochrony krajobrazu w Polsce XXXIII (2012): 17-29.

Europejska Konwencja Krajobrazowa sporządzona we Florencji dnia 20 października 2000 roku.

Klimczak, Laura. „Nowe narzędzia ochrony krajobrazu – zarys zmian legislacyjnych w projekcie tzw. Ustawy o ochronie krajobrazu”. Przestrzeń i Forma 21 (2014): 443-62.

Kistowski, Mariusz. „Bierna ochrona krajobrazu jako podstawa utrzymania korzystnych warunków życia człowieka”. Przegląd Przyrodniczy 2 (2010): 18-30.

Kistowski, Mariusz. „Perspektywy ochrony krajobrazu w Polsce ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem parków krajobrazowych”. Przegląd Przyrodniczy 3 (2012): 30-45.

Ustawa o zmianie niektórych ustaw w związku ze wzmocnieniem narzędzi ochrony krajobrazu.

Żarska, Barbara. Ochrona krajobrazu. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Szkoły Głównej Gospodarstwa Wiejskiego, 2003.

NATURA 2000 PROTECTED AREA

NATURA 2000

The programme of the network of nature protection areas in the European Union countries, the aims of which are to: 1) preserve certain types of natural habitats and species considered valuable and endangered on the scale of the whole Europe; 2) protect biodiversity.

 

The decision to create a network of European protected areas was taken in the 1990s. The network supervised by one of the European Commission’s bodies, the Directorate-General for Environment, but the direct responsibility for implementing the rules of the programme rests with each Member State. The national networks included in the European network are established on the basis of both the national nature conservation law and the general criteria for the designation of sites (representativeness vis-à-vis Europe’s biogeographical regions, the conservation status of the site, the degree of threat, the rarity of species) (Radziejowski). A characteristic feature of Natura 2000 is that selected species of fauna and flora, as well as their natural habitats, are protected. Unlike traditional forms of nature protection (national parks, nature reserves), Natura 2000 does not provide care for all components in the designated area.

The network of areas programme is based on the premise that joint action to protect and safeguard Europe’s natural heritage will contribute to cost optimisation and will have positive environmental effects. Natura 2000 is regulated by two EU directives: the directive of 2 April 1979 on the conservation of wild birds (the so-called Birds Directive, extended and improved in 2009) and the directive of 21 May 1992 on the conservation of natural habitats and of wild fauna and flora (the so-called Habitats Directive). Currently, the programme covers 26,400 areas with a total area of approximately 788,000 km² of land and 318,000 km² of marine area. In Poland, the Natura 2000 network comprises 994 areas.

The concept of a conservation area is crucial for the Natura 2000 programme. It means that certain species and habitats are protected in the designated area. The conservation under the programme covers areas important for the occurrence of endangered or very rare plant species, animals or distinctive natural habitats, which are important for the protection of Europe’s natural qualities. The functioning of protection areas is based on three basic obligations: 1) the obligation to assess (i.e. any project that could have an impact on the area covered by the programme must be assessed in terms of its effects on the protected area; when assessing real threats to the landscape, the precautionary principle applies, which guarantees that activities unfavourable for the environment will be excluded; the principle does not apply in a situation where the activity in the Natura 2000 area is dictated by a higher public interest); 2) the obligation of proactive conservation (i.e. the obligation to provide special means of protection – legislation, active protection measures, system of agreements allowing full protection to be extended over the areas); 3) the obligation to prevent any deterioration (i.e. administration and nature protection authorities are obliged to prevent deterioration of habitats and species resulting from natural factors or human activity; to this end, the so-called plan of protection tasks is established, drawn up for at least 10 years).

Poland was obliged to join the Natura 2000 programme when it signed the Athens Treaty of 16 April 2003, which provides the legal basis for Poland’s accession to the European Union. The EU directives which are the legal basis for the functioning of the Natura 2000 programme have been incorporated into the binding Nature Conservation Act of 16 April 2004.

The advantage of the Natura 2000 programme is that it favours natural tourism. In Poland, a manifestation of cooperation between administrative bodies and the tourism industry is the existence of the “Blisko Natury” (“Close to Nature”) Certificate awarded to agritourism farms that provide a natural tourism offer.

[M. St.]

 

Literature:

Natura 2000 – portal informacyjny, 4.11.2017, accessed: http://natura2000.org.pl

Pawlaczyk, Paweł (ed.) Natura 2000 – niezbędnik urzędnika. Świebodzin: Wydawnictwo Klubu Przyrodników, 2008.

Radziejowski, Janusz. Obszary chronionej przyrody. Warszawa: Wszechnica Polska, 2011.

Sieć Natura 2000: 10 pytań – 10 odpowiedzi. Warszawa: Ministerstwo Środowiska, 2004.

PLACE

PLACE

The term belonging to the vocabulary of space, meaning a location (physical, geographical, anthropological, imaginative, etc.) endowed with some particular meaning: cultural, historical, symbolic, emotional.

 

The notion of place is related to individual or communal being in a specific space; a place has the characteristics of that which is specific: location, point, as opposed to abstract, impersonal space. As an anthropological place (Augé) it is socially transformed, becoming an element of individual or collective identity. It is a kind of imagination that people living in a given place create about their relation to the territory, relatives, other inhabitants. Its opposite is non-place.

The term related to the category of place is location, which can be understood as the placement of something/someone in a specific point in space. Aristotle spoke about such a location by asking about the place in the context of space from the perspective of philosophical reflection: “Does the place exist and how does it exist?” As he claimed, the existing things must be somewhere, have their place, because the movement of things consists in a change of place. It is possible to speak of the primacy of the place over the thing: the place is a condition for the existence of the thing, precedes and enables its existence. Martin Heidegger sees it differently. In his opinion, the place is constituted by things, or more precisely by the handyness of things in the sense of the tools used by humans to create their environment. In the course of existence, humans create space, including sites and surroundings. A place constitutes itself in an experience. The relationship between humans and a place is not physical, but is a relationship of mutual co-existence, based on the idea of residence understood as a way of human existence in the world. As such, a place is connected with humans, it does not exist by itself, but thanks to humans who give it meaning. The essence of a place is its unique content.

From a cultural point of view, a place is a space meaningful for specific individuals and communities that refer to a specific system of knowledge, imagination and values and rules of conduct. In such a place, the identity process comes to the fore, concerning both the individual and the social group, which is reflected in the practices of identification, memory, but also exclusion. Identity is built up and established by residence (Heidegger). This leads to the establishment of a special relationship of the individual or community with the place, a kind of emotional relationship, which Edward Tuan calls topophilia (from gr. topos – “place, neighborhood”, philein – “like”), love and attachment to the place. The archetypical expression of a place understood in this way is a family home, which over time can take on an imaginary form (Bachelard). It expresses the archetype of a home as a safe and mythical place and at the same time dwelling means a spiritual state. In this sense, a place is not only a physical location, because it acquires the attributes of a mental category, just as a house ceases to be a physical building and penetrates into us as a memory, aura, etc.

The opposite of topophilia is topophobia, especially when places are associated with violence, oppression, exclusion (Rose).

The place and its importance are mainly influenced by geographical and cultural conditions. Geographically, the place is linked to its location, topography, climate, which determine the range of activities, tools and materials used, etc. As a location, a place is a specific point in a space, the extent of which is determined by occupancy by us or by things. In this sense, a place is a separate (defined) and developed (described) part of the space, which consists of that which fills it in a material sense (e.g. room, house, city, etc.) and the created meanings and content in a symbolic sense. In a place, physical components (material, geographical) intertwine with cultural ones, creating a special relationship that renders a given place different from any other. The “locality” of a place may be related to its geographical location and other conditions arising therefrom, but above all to the community living there and the sum of the experiences gained at the place (Relph, Tilley).

In a cultural sense, a place is more than a location, and it expresses itself through a set of values, images and behaviours on the one hand, and on the other through genius loci, the unique atmosphere, the aura of the place, which can only be perceived in direct contact. From the point of view of a cultural researcher, a place is a reservoir of various spatial values and related attitudes and beliefs, professed by specific individuals and communities, according to the principle that there is no “nobody’s” reality (Znaniecki).

Apart from space, time is an important factor influencing the specificity of a place. Places are created in time and owe their character to those who spend time there (Ingold). In time, we build relations with the place we experience in everyday life, but also relations with previous generations who left their material or symbolic trace in the place, e.g. in the form of a built settlement or a marked path or narratives being the sum of stories passed down from generation to generation in the form of legends or parables that make up a community (Benjamin). A place understood in this way may also be a place of remembrance (Nora). The term “place of remembrance” introduced by Pierre Nora has metaphorical connotations because, according to him, places of remembrance can be geographical, architectural places as well as people (real and mythical), events, slogans, songs, symbols, literary texts, feasts, rituals, etc. In this sense, they are the foundation of collective memory, shaping the identity of the group. Memorial sites sacralise the space and events commemorating the heroes, they become a contribution to the emergence of new cultural practices, rituals, reinterpretation of symbols (e.g. memorial places are centres of worship, celebrations and anniversaries are organised there).

Places appear in our memory and recollections. Especially places from childhood or once abandoned (e.g. by migrants) can function as idealised, archetypical images of the homeland or home. By worshipping the memory of the fate of the community in a specific place, the identity of the community is built (Nora).

The opposite of a place is a non-place (Relph, Augé), which is the effect of weakening identity processes and breaking ties with the place. Nowadays, places as such are more and more often displaced by spaces of difference (heterotopes) and non-places which look identical everywhere: non-authentic, a-historic, uniformed and commercialised products of globalisation. Siegfried Kracauer was the first to write about such spaces, showing their lack of roots and alienation using the example of a hotel lobby. Non-places are at the opposite pole to historically defined places, embedded in a given space and time, which Marc Augé describes as anthropological.

According to Augé, a non-place is a feature of hyper-modernity, which favours the crossing of people and information from distant places and environments, while at the same time creating spaces functioning as points of separation, i.e. places that are impermanent and undefined, based on what is temporary, provisional and fluid. Non-places exist outside the traditionally understood time and space, they are “the same everywhere” and devoid of a specific, local flavour. In non-places, the difference between the close and the distant, as well as between the individual and the collective disappears. Being in a non-place one is everywhere and nowhere at the same time. Examples of such non-places are supermarkets, airports, large hotels, motorways, TV screens or computer monitors, and even smartphone displays.

[M. G., B. F.]

 

Literature:

Augé, Marc. Non-Places: An Introduction to Supermodernity, London: Verso, 2009.

Benjamin, Walter. The Storyteller: Reflections on the Works of Nikolai Leskov. In: Illuminations New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1968.

Buczyńska-Garewicz, Hanna. Miejsca, strony, okolice. Przyczynek do fenomenologii przestrzeni. Kraków: Universitas, 2006.

Casey, Edward S. The Fate of Place. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998.

Cresswell, Tim. Place: A Short Introduction. Malden-Oxford-Carlton: Blackwell Publishing, 2004.

Ingold, Tim. The Perception of the Environment: Essays on Livelihood, Dwelling and Skill. London: Routledge. (2000)

Nora, Pierre. Between History and Memory: les lieux de memoire. „Representations“ 26 (spring 1989), 7–24.

Relph, Edward. Place and Placelessness, London: Pion, 1976.

Rose, Gillian. Feminism and Geography. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1993.

Tilley, Christopher.A Phenomenology of Landscape: Places, Paths and Monuments, Oxford: Berg, 1994.

Tuan, Yi-Fu. Topophilia, Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1974.

Znaniecki Florian. „Socjologiczne podstawy ekologii ludzkiej, „Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny” 1938, v. 1,

MAP

MAP
Flat representation of the surface of the Earth (of the sky or planets) showing selected elements and spatial relations between them at a reduced scale by means of symbols or iconic representations.

The map shows content in two dimensions and usually is a static representation, although there are also dynamic forms (e.g. weather maps) or interactive forms. Maps have a variety of functions, e.g. they help to collect information about the place and space or facilitate orientation in a given area. On the one hand, they are an expression of an abstract view of reality, on the other hand, they play a key role in our experience of the environment and in thinking about a world in which perception and understanding takes place primarily through visual experience (Rodaway).

The experience of the terrain and space made possible by the map should be distinguished from the experience of the landscape. The map allows to cover the whole area with a single glance, situating the user outside it, while the landscape experience is local, prospective and results from immersion in the environment; the map is experienced visually and the landscape with the participation of all our senses; the map is based on abstract, measurable and objective calculations, while the landscape experience is subjective; the map separates the experience of space from the experience of time and the dynamics associated with it (the space is not perceived in terms of the time needed to travel through it).

Maps therefore universalise “topographical experience” (Frydryczak), which has an individual character and is the result of immersion in the landscape. They are a manifestation of a scientific view, abstracting from bodily, variable and subjective colloquial experiences.

From a historical and anthropological perspective, the map is the result of a view of the world that dominates in a given period and culture, emerges from specific social and political relations and reflects them. In Western modern culture, the map appears to be neutral, unrelated to any particular perception of social relations, but one can see in it a metaphor of the global power of capital (Bender). Western maps cover the Earth’s surface with a system of “objective” coordinates and as such are to be “transparent”, i.e. show the world as it is. However, what is considered to be transparent is what is known and what is own, and in this sense Western maps take over the image of the world, and thus favour the appropriation of the world itself (Lefebvre). The importance attached to the creation of maps was conducive to the emergence of European countries (Wood) and contributed to the development of mercantilist capitalism (Bender, Cosgrove) and colonial practices.

There are also alternative maps, such as those created by city dwellers using unofficial street and place names, those created by indigenous peoples referring to their memories and social relations or religious meanings and used to resist colonisers or to come to terms with their colonial heritage. Places shown on such maps are not so much identified by their location as by their associated history (Ingold). In this sense, a family tree can be considered a peculiar form of a map. Another type of maps are mental maps, associated with private topography. They are the worlds that everyone carries with them. Although their form is different, the aim remains the same: to facilitate orientation in space and to help people find their way.

The development of western cartography is intertwined with the development of geography, which was defined by Ptolemy as the art of representing the earth by means of drawing. The links between cartography and the history of painting (Alpers, Cosgrove) are also important.

[M.G., M.S.]

 

Literatura:

Alpers, Svetlana. The Art of Describing. Dutch Art in the Seventeenth Century. Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1984.

Bender, Barbara. ”Subverting the Western Gaze: Mapping the Alternative Worlds”, In: The Archeology and Anthropology of Landscape, P.J. Ucko, R. Layton (eds.), pp. 31-43. London: Routledge, 1999.

Cosgrove Daniel i Stephen Daniels, Stephen (red.) The Iconography of Landscape. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988.

Frydryczak, Beata. Krajobraz: Od estetyki the picturesque do doświadczenia topograficznego. Poznań: WPTPN, 2014.

Lefebvre, Henri. The Production of Space, Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1991.

Rodaway, Paul. Sensous Geographies, Body, Sense and Place. London-New York: Routledge, 1994.

Wood, Denis. The Power of Maps. London: Routledge, 1993.

THE PICTURESQUE

THE PICTURESQUE

Aesthetic category referring to (1) the manner of presenting nature in painting and literature, (2) the way of experiencing nature and views in the landscape by painters, (3) the way of composing the landscape characteristic for landscape parks.

 

In the traditional sense, the picturesque is identical to painting (including technique, practical and theoretical interests that have contributed to the emergence of landscape as an art genre). In this sense, the concept of the picturesque appeared as early as the 16th century. The origins of the idea of picturesqueness in aesthetics, however, should be sought at the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries in England and connected with a wave of modern interest in nature and the English landscape. At the end of the 18th century, the idea of the picturesque was in turn an English response to the romanticism spreading in Europe with its openness to sensuality. The rationale behind the category of the picturesque from the aesthetic perspective is the recognition that the beauty of nature stands above the beauty of art, John Locke’s concept of the important role of the senses in the process of human cognition and experiencing the world, and the popularisation of the category of aesthetic taste, which in the 18th century aroused more popular interest in the landscape.

The idea of the picturesque is characterised by ambiguity, which was already known at the time when it was triumphant. William Mason, one of the initiators of the debate about this category, presented 6 meanings of the term the picturesque. In his opinion, picturesque is what: (1) pleases the eye, (2) is unique, (3) gives the impression of a painting, (4) can be depicted as a painting, (5) is a theme for painting; moreover, he identified a picturesque view with (6) the landscape.

William Gilpin introduced the term to the glossary of aesthetic terms at the end of the 18th century, referring it to objects “to be painted” and “picturesque” qualities of space, i.e. everything that affects us by means of painting effects, gives pleasure and what can be conveyed on canvas using painting rules of form and composition. Gilpin, describing his journeys through England, Wales and Scotland, supplemented Edmund Burke’s division into beauty and sublimity with the category of picturesque beauty. As assumed by him, the picturesque includes what is not beautiful or sublime, but delights or arouses interest by its roughness or irregularity. The notion of the picturesque referred both to individual objects and to the landscape, characterised by novelty, changeability, dramaturgy of the stage and surprising the viewer. In this sense, he understood the picturesque as a more emotional than intellectual category. Archibald Alison and Richard Payne Knight associated the picturesque with feelings and subjectivity.

Painting was treated as a theoretical concept, which is possible to apply in practice. For example, such theorists of landscape architecture as Uvedale Price and Knight combined the picturesque  with gardening techniques to create picturesque sceneries (views). While Gilpin was looking for picturesque scenes in nature, Price suggested how to shape the landscape in newly established parks according to the category of the picturesque.

Both in theory and practice, the category of the picturesque was very closely related to visual experience. It was based on the demarcation of the landscape and the person who experienced it. In creating this concept, Gilpin referred to the real landscape and privileged the role of visual experience and learning about the environment in motion (on the move), making people observers of the landscape. Price also recognised that the picturesque is expressed through what is visual, but unlike Gilpin also saw the importance of the other senses in experiencing the landscape. He also pointed to the processual character of picturesqueness. He linked this category to time, claiming that objects become picturesque as a result of the action of time, which gives objects features such as roughness and results in wildness, deformation and ugliness.

The idea of the picturesque influenced fashion, lifestyle, interest among the English elite and the way they experienced the landscape. Nowadays, the term is often used to describe any aestheticised space, visually attractive landscapes in tourist brochures supported by photography, picturesque representation of the world and creation of its aesthetic image (Crawshaw and Urry).

[M. G., B. F.]

 

Literature:

Andrews, Malcolm. The Search for the Picturesque: Landscape Aesthetics and Tourism in Britain 1760-1800. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989.

Białostocki, Jan. Sztuka i myśl humanistyczna. Studia z dziejów sztuki i myśli o sztuce. Warszawa: PIW, 1966.

Crawshaw, Carol, Urry, John. „Tourism and Photographic Eye”. In: Touring Cultures. Transformations of Travel and Theory, Chrois Rojek & John Urry (eds.). Oxford: Routlegde, 2002.

Price, Uvedale. An Essay on the Picturesque as Compared with the Sublime and the Beautiful; and on the Use of Studying Pictures for the Purpose of Improving Real Landscape. London 1796.

Frydryczak, Beata. Krajobraz. Od estetyki the picturesque do doświadczenia topograficznego. Poznań: PTPN, 2012.

Gilpin, William. Three Essays: On Picturesque Beauty, On Picturesque Travel and on Sketching Landscape, London 1794.

Morawski, Stefan. Studia z historii myśli estetycznej XVIII i XIX w. Warszawa: PWN, 1961.

LOCAL LANDSCAPE STUDIES

LOCAL LANDSCAPE STUDIES

(Formerly: country-writing, landscaping, earth-writing) – in a broad sense, a set of information or the entirety of the knowledge about a country or region (geography, history, ethnography).

 

Local landscape studies include: 1. a civic movement aiming, through various forms of tourism, at getting to know the country or region, gathering all the information about it and popularising it, working for the preservation and multiplication of local (indigenous) natural and cultural differences, protection and care of monuments, increasing awareness of the value of indigenous nature and culture; 2. an area of knowledge with a specific object of cognition (country, regional culture, sum of the values created, landscape) and methodology (drawing on various scientific disciplines, including geography, folklore studies, botany, zoology, agrarian sciences, economics, history, art history, archaeology, law and tourism services). Local landscape studies are aimed at gathering knowledge about the country or its part (region), as well as its popularisation through e.g. organising tourist visits of cognitive and didactic nature.

The beginnings of local landscape studies in Poland date back to the times of the National Education Commission (1773), which introduced elements of Polish history, natural history and the Polish language into the teaching process. In the same period Hugo Kołłątaj and Julian Ursyn Niemcewicz pointed to the need to start gathering museum collections of national culture, learning the history and nature of the country. In the era of Romanticism, knowledge about the country was utilised in the processes of denationalisation and was an element of the struggle for Poland’s freedom. In the second half of the nineteenth century tourist traffic began to develop and the towns and villages that were attractive in terms of sightseeing and landscape (e.g. Zakopane, eagerly visited by Polish poets and painters) began to gain in importance. At the beginning of the 20th century a descriptive trend in local landscape studies begins, documenting scientific research on landscape, folklore and regional nature.

The notion of local landscape studies is connected with the term “local history sites”, distinguished due to their historical, religious, scientific, artistic, cultural, technical or economic qualities (e.g. natural monuments, art monuments, commemorative plaques). It also includes the notion of local history qualities, referring to the whole of the natural and cultural elements of a given area (country), representing a specific local history value (for example, landscape, viewing point, flora and fauna, local customs, festivals promoting local culture), which impacts the tourist attractiveness of the area. Local landscape sites that form a compact whole are called complexes (e.g. monastery complex: church, monastery and cemetery or palace complex with its natural surroundings, park, garden, etc.). The term landscape, broadly understood as a space, area or territory with its characteristic natural complexes and monuments of material, social and spiritual culture, remains a key element of local landscape studies. Local history remains a knowledge area that highlights the links between nature and regional cultures in an ethnic sense (ethnic groups or minorities) or in a social sense (culture of particular social groups, such as farmers, miners, etc.).

[M. G.]

 

 

Literature:

Bieńczuk, Grzegorz. Krajoznawstwo i jego związki z turystyką. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Wyższej Szkoły Ekonomicznej w Warszawie, 2003.

Kruczek, Zygmunt. Metodyka krajoznawstwa. Kraków: Wydawnictwo AWF, 1983.

Kruczek, Zygmunt, Kurek, Artur, Nowacki, Marek. Krajoznawstwo: zarys teorii i metodyka. Kraków: Proksenia, 2003.

Prószyńska-Bordas, Hanna. Krajoznawstwo: tradycja i współczesność. Warszawa: Difin, 2016.

LANDSCAPE-PALIMPSEST

LANDSCAPE-PALIMPSEST

Originally, palimpsest (gr. palimpsēstos) was a manuscript written on a material on which, after erasure, several layers of text were superimposed. In modern science, it is a term that describes the multi-layered and multi-temporal nature of a subject of research or experiment, in which certain content has been obliterated or concealed.

 

The term “palimpsest” is used in literary, historical and archaeological research, geography, memory studies, psychology, neurobiology and others. In landscape studies, it means the multi-layered nature of the landscape – symbolic and physical; it describes natural and cultural processes in layers, which are deposited in the form of readable material and non-material traces.

In archaeology, the palimpsest metaphor is used to describe the multi-layered overlapping and accumulation of cultural landscape sediments, characterised by successive stratigraphic layers. In particular, landscape archaeology uses this concept, treating the landscape as something that lasts in time and is subject to constant change. This requires the tracing of the individual actions taken in it, which make up the process of transformation of the inhabited land (Barrett, Ingold). The description of the landscape as a history of transformations of the earth’s surface by man leads to the cataloguing of material changes. In this sense, the term “palimpsest” is in line with research methods referring to a chronological sequence of events and artefacts, taking into account the wider context of an environment in which various material and natural testimonies are recorded. Stratigraphy aims at the temporal ordering of traces, testimonies and monuments, from the earliest to the last.

The cultural landscape is also referred to by the discourse of memory. The palimpsest metaphor applied to the landscape of memory in this discourse is an argument for the ambiguity of the past and its readings. According to Traba, the overlapping layers of the past are a continuity enabling to understand the past and, as such, they tell the “true story of the place”. The palimpsest idea allows us to maintain the memory of what has been forgotten and erased from the collective memory, proving that meanings and senses lost in the course of history cannot be completely erased. “Lost” senses penetrate into the present in allegorical form (Benjamin). Such an understanding of landscape is also referred to in the concept of “palimpsest reception of reality”. (Smith).

In landscape research the palimpsest metaphor, referring to both natural (topographical) and cultural landscape, allows to assign a narrative character to it, which means that the landscape itself becomes a kind of story about previous generations that shaped it, and whose memory is inscribed in the structure of the landscape. Humans leave their traces in the landscape in the form of signs and symbols reflected in its geo-morphological shape, fauna and flora and cultural activity of humans. In the landscape understood this way, the natural meets the cultural, and each element, whether architectural or natural, acquires its meaning burdened with the past and marked with the present.

[B. F.]

 

Literature:

Traba, Robert. Pamięć zapisana w kamieniu, czyli krajobraz kulturowy jako palimpsest. In: Przeszłość w teraźniejszości. Polskie spory o historię na początku XXI wieku. Poznań: Wydawnictwo Poznańskie, 2009.

Benjamin, Walter. The Arcades Project. Harward University Press, 1999.

Barrett, John. C. Chronologies of Landscape. In: The Archaeology and Anthropology of Landscape.

Shaping your landscape, P.J. Ucko, R. Layton (eds.). London: Routledge, 1999.

Ingold, Tim. The temporality of the landscape, “World Archeology”, 1993, vol. 25, 2.

Kowalski, Piotr. Encyklopedia i palimpsest. In: Poszukiwanie sensów: lekcja z czytania kultury, ed. Piotr Kowalski, Zbigniew Libera. Kraków: Wydawnictwo UJ, 2006.

ENDANGERED LANDSCAPE

ENDANGERED LANDSCAPE

An area threatened with destruction, degradation or permanent disappearance, the restoration of which will be difficult or impossible, and which requires protection measures due to its natural, cultural, social and historical values.

 

Threats to the landscape can come from natural factors, but most often they result from human activity. The following types of threats to the landscape can be identified: biotic, consisting in a direct or indirect impact of living organisms on the landscape; abiotic, i.e. caused by physicochemical processes (pollution of the environment, groundwater drainage, etc.); threats of natural disasters (flooding, fire); threats arising from the manner in which the land is used, such as settlement and construction and related measures (such as interrupting or narrowing ecological corridors, excessive density of building development or erecting buildings of low aesthetic value, obscuring viewing areas, depletion of biologically active surface, creation of illicit rubbish dumps, technical and transport infrastructure, industrial activities, agricultural and forestry management, use of artificial fertilisers, forest clearing, introduction of monocultures on large areas, exploitation of mineral resources, development of tourism and recreation industry, entering valuable natural areas and exploiting them for tourism).

The landscape traits subject to degradation include: aesthetic, environmental, cultural, economic, social elements. The landscapes at risk of destruction are the plant cover, biotopes, cultural monuments, traditional crafts or social relations. The landscape may be exposed to harmful factors that affect it in a relatively short period of time (e.g. construction of dams on rivers, construction of factories, landfill sites) or over a long period (e.g. gradual lowering of groundwater levels, steppe-formation processes). When it comes to the permanence of changes, it is possible to identify a threatened landscape with the ability to regenerate and one that has been affected by irreversible changes.

A threatened landscape needs to be protected and action should be taken to preserve it. To this end, a landscape policy should be implemented, understood as a set of principles, strategies and guidelines that allow specific measures to be taken for the protection, management and planning of the landscape. When planning such a strategy, social factors should also be taken into account (expectations regarding the landscape or plans in this respect). In this context, landscape management should mean actions aimed at ensuring the maintenance of the landscape, directing and harmonising landscape changes resulting from social, economic and environmental processes (including the introduction of educational programmes, raising public awareness, etc.).

[M. G.]

 

Literature:

Buchwald, Konrad, Engelhardt, Wolfgang. Kształtowanie krajobrazu a ochrona przyrody.  Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawnictwa Rolnicze i Leśne, 1975.

Żarska, Barbara. Ochrona krajobrazu. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo SGGW, 2005.

Szczęsny, Tadeusz. Ochrona przyrody i krajobrazu. Warszawa: PWN, 1977.

Ostaszewska, Olga, Ostaszewski, Kazimierz. „Ochrona przestrzeni publicznej w świetle tzw. Ustawy krajobrazowej”. Studia Prawnicze i Administracyjne 15 (2016): 63-68.

Miszczak, Alicja E. „Obszar chronionego krajobrazu. Analiza administracyjnoprawna”. Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio G 1 (2015): 55-70.

VIRTUAL LANDSCAPE

VIRTUAL LANDSCAPE

A landscape generated digitally using new computer technologies in a virtual environment.

 

A virtual landscape is a simulacrum (Baudrillard) imitating the real landscape in such a way as to give the viewer the impression that they are in contact with a real landscape and not just its imitation. Virtual landscapes are used in industry, science, entertainment (e.g. computer games), education (e.g. virtual museums, historical landscape animation). They also appear in films, television and visualisations reproducing the real landscape or creating a virtual reality environment as a static or dynamic image. Its appearance, character and type depend entirely on the creator’s invention and the purposes for which it was created. In addition to these applications, virtual landscape also appears as an element of computer programs used to create architectural, urban and landscape designs. In such cases it does not occur on its own, but as a tool used to visualise the intended idea.

Another form of virtual landscape are panoramas created on the basis of photos of a specific object, place or area in a way that allows for a virtual walk, i.e. for experiencing a place or object through new technologies. Virtual models of fragments of cities, streets, museums and historic buildings give the opportunity to get acquainted with a given place in a digitally mediated way, without the need for a real visit. The development of technology has allowed us to cover almost every corner of the earth with the project of virtual reality. Thanks to the use of photography and satellite navigation, as well as via the Internet, it is possible to “travel” to any place. Google Earth, Google StreetView and the Chinese Baidu Maps serve this purpose.

In computer games, the virtual landscape can take different forms, depending on the subject matter of the game, tools used, technological advancement. Good examples of virtual landscapes are provided by fantasy games (rich fictional landscape in “The Witcher” and “Gothic” games), racing games (digitally reconstructed routes or tracks), war games (digitally reconstructed cities, battlefields, forests), historical and archaeological games (reconstructions of ancient landscapes in “Zeus” and “Civilisations” games), as well as devices allowing to feel the multi-sensory experience of driving or fighting using complicated interfaces. Another form of landscape creation in games can be virtual overlays on the real landscape, as is the case in the “Pokemon Go” application. The imposition of a virtual landscape on reality is possible thanks to technologies generating augmented reality. This technology is used by the military (the fighter pilot receives various data, overlapping with his vision, and depicting the terrain or temperature distribution), engineering (visualisation of the underground water supply and sewerage system) and tourism (reconstruction of the previous appearance of the site, the previous building or its variant).

The 3D technology has allowed to enrich and improve the virtual landscape as an interactive space requiring action on the part of the viewer. Although the development of the virtual landscape is a result of the progress in computer technology, the history of its creation is longer and includes fresco painting (interior decorations, especially in the form of the so-called quadrant, baroque painting using optical illusion by combining architectural elements and figural compositions), easel paintings using a linear perspective or the nineteenth-century panoramas (e.g. the Racławice Panorama).

[M. K.]

 

Literature:

Baudrillard, Jean. Simulacres et Simulation. Paris: Editions Galilée, 1981.

Jung, Timothy, Tom Dieck, Claudia M. (eds.) Augmented Reality and Virtual Reality: Empowering Human, Place and Business. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018.

Myga-Piątek, Urszula. „O wzajemnych relacjach przestrzeni i krajobrazu kulturowego. Rozważania wstępne”. Prace Komisji Krajobrazu Kulturowego 24 (2014): 27-44.

Prajzner, Katarzyna. „Wirtualne spacery. Struktury przestrzenne w grach komputerowych”. Kultura Współczesna (2010): 151-163.

Stein, Piotr. „Krajobraz wirtualny”. Appendix 2 (2005): 44-67.

Szewerniak, Magdalena. „O krajobrazie wirtualnym”. Kultura Współczesna (2016): 103-115.

Welsch, Wolfgang. Undoing Aesthetics. Londyn: Sage, 1997.

TOURISTIC LANDSCAPE

TOURIST LANDSCAPE

Attractive scenic landscape, subordinated to tourist purposes, especially in the area of mass tourism; it is a tourist attraction and the object of advertising of the tourist industry.

 

The tourist landscape is the result of a change in the reading and experience of nature, which at the moment of recognising that wild nature (mountains, forests, lakes) can be a picturesque element of the landscape, has transformed into a recreation area, an “institutionalised entertainment area”. (Wilson) and directed scenery (MacCannell). When discussing the development of mass tourism in the Alps at the end of the 19th century, Simmel talks about the “industrialisation of communing with nature”. On this ground nature began to be perceived as a valuable tourist product and landscapes as scenically attractive spaces worth visiting. According to MacCannell, these processes have led to a situation where nature can be experienced in two ways: recreational or aesthetic. Thus, a new type of space has been created, which has been set aside especially for the tourist. It can be natural (e.g. Niagara Falls) or artificial (e.g. Disneyland), in both cases it undergoes the process of aestheticisation.

The development of tourism reflects the history of “appropriation” of landscapes by creating tourist attractions and tourist infrastructure, in which viewpoints, trails and entire surroundings have been adapted to the needs of tourism. With the growing industrialisation, especially in England, rural areas were increasingly appreciated for their recreational, visual and aesthetic qualities. The process of creating a tourist landscape has been observed since the turn of the 18th and 19th century, together with a new approach to nature, which accompanied the “aesthetic turn” in travelling (Adler) and the development of mass landscape tourism. An example of these transformations is the Lake District in England, until the eighteenth century regarded as wild and hostile, which, with the change of aesthetic preferences to those allowing to notice its qualifies, began to take on a touristic character. This contributed to the development of tourist infrastructure, the construction of access roads to attractive places and a change in the mentality of the locals, for whom tourists have become a source of income (Andrews). It was also connected with a new “culture of taste” and aesthetics, which through the picturesque and sublime category valorised the pictorial qualities of nature. For this reason, picturesque tours, short trips in search of picturesque landscapes became fashionable. Historically and culturally, it was preceded by the Grand Tour, which influenced the development of certain aesthetic expectations of the landscape and the indication of a model landscape, the ideal of which was the seventeenth-century landscape painting of Lorraine, Rosa and Poussin. Landscape contemplation assumed the recognition of picturesque views and their reconstruction according to the rules of painting composition: tourists were looking for views that could be compared to a painting. Tourists-amateurs of beautiful views, equipped with Claude’s glasses, sketchbooks, brushes and pencils, could be found in landscape parks, resorts, mountains, by the lakes, by the sea.

The transformation of the landscape into a tourist attraction resulted in a change in the type of experience felt: the contemplative aesthetic experience gave way to the tourist experience, the essence of which was aesthetic pleasure – a distanced panoramic view of the landscape, characteristic of a lonely wanderer, was replaced by the collective experience of the view, defined as “tourist’s view”. (Urry). A collective view (tourists, institutions, etc.) is a form of recognition of the attractiveness of the landscape (and any other tourist sites and spaces). This is related to the change in the experience of the world and the consent to giving the painting priority over the original: the tourist landscape has its confirmation in the previously seen paintings.

MacCannell described the transformation of the landscape into a tourist attraction as a process of sacralisation of the view. These are institutional activities occurring in several phases, which include (1) distinguishing by naming (2) “framing and elevation”, i.e. delimiting the official boundaries of the building and placing it in view and emphasising the meaning (through lighting, information signs, barriers, etc.); (3) “placing it on the altar” (e.g. construction of a museum in which an object is exhibited), (4) mechanical reproduction of a representation of an object or landscape (through the dissemination of an image, e.g. on a postcard); (5) social reproduction (e.g. naming a restaurant after the name of the object). In this way, the view, the object, marked as a tourist attraction, also gain artificial landscape surroundings. Institutional activities play a decisive role here, which means that the viewer, observer or tourist no longer defines what becomes a tourist landscape in their view. This role is assigned to institutions and tools used to mark the landscape as a view, which is an offer included in the tourist brochure. The same mechanism applies to objects of nature: mountains, sea, landscapes. This is the result of the transformation of nature into a “landscape park” already observed by Adorn, i.e. its use for the tourist industry. It transforms nature into a recreation space, paying attention to its aesthetic qualifies and promoting specific views, also by separating their specific and characteristic fragments, e.g. identifying the Tatra Mountains with Rysy, Paris with the Eiffel Tower, etc.

[B. F.]

 

Literature:

Wilson, Alexander. The Culture of Nature: North American Landscape from Disney to Exxon Valdez. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991.

Andrews, Malcolm. The Search for the Picturesque. Landscape Aesthetics and Tourism in Britain, 1760-1800. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989.

Hoskins, William George. The Industrial Revolution and the Landscape. In: Oakes, Timothy, Price, Patricia (ed.) The Cultural Geography Reader. London New York: Routledge, 2008.

MacCannell, Dean. The Tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class, University of California Press, 1999.

Mączak, Antoni. Peregrynacje, wojaże, turystyka. Warszawa: Książka i Wiedza, 2001.

Urry, John. The Tourist Gaze. London: Sage, 2002.

Wordsworth, William. Guide to the Lakes. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977.

Woźniakowski, Jacek. Góry niewzruszone. O różnych wyobrażeniach przyrody w dziejach kultury europejskiej. Kraków: Znak, 1995.

CONTAMINATED LANDSCAPE

CONTAMINATED LANDSCAPE

A type of landscape of remembrance connected with tragic and traumatic history.

 

The term contaminated landscape comes from the title of Martin Pollack’s essay “Contaminated Landscapes” [“Kontaminierte Landschaften”], describing places marked by the tragic history of the 20th century. Pollack, son of an SS officer, finds forgotten traces of Nazism and Stalinism in the inconspicuous landscape of Central and Eastern European countries. He reflects on the human habitation of a landscape which, in the symbolic sphere, is a “great graveyard of Europe”. The contaminated landscape is a space that brings with it the experience of the war past; a place of mass murders, carried out secretly, with efforts to conceal them, often intentionally camouflaged by the tormentors with the help of densely growing vegetation.

The notion of contaminated landscape, currently used in studies on trauma, research into the history of the Second World War or the archaeology of the present day, indicates that research into the topography of landscapes makes it possible to lay bare the illusory innocence of the environment and to restore the dignity of the victims of crimes hidden for many years. Their tragic history is most often discovered by accident, and witnesses of past events are few or nonexistent. Pollack points out that the contaminated landscapes are often inconspicuous, frequently banal, less idyllic and usually do not have any features that would suggest that they were places of mass executions or acts of war terror. The apparent innocence of the existing landscape should not, however, lessen our vigilance – neglecting the memory stored in the contaminated landscape, ignorance of tragic events, lack of testimonies or perfunctory knowledge make the war criminals win, and turns the landscape into a natural monument to the victory of violence and hatred.

[M.St.]

 

Literature:

Frąckowiak, Maksymilian, Kajda, Kornelia. Żyjemy w skażonych krajobrazach. 24.07.2015, accessed: http://biografia.archeo.edu.pl/wp/2015/07/24/zyjemy-w-skazonych-krajobrazach/

Pollack, Martin. Kontaminierte Landschaften. St. Pölten: Residenz Verlag, 2014.

SENSORY LANDSCAPE

SENSORY LANDSCAPE

A type of landscape affecting the senses through visual, auditory, olfactory, haptic and taste stimuli without establishing a hierarchy of the senses and in a way that offers a poly-sensory experience of the surrounding environment.

 

The sensory landscape refers to the notion of aisthesis as a sphere of sensory experience, which is a source for aesthetics. Within the sensory landscape one can indicate: visual landscape, sound landscape (soundscape), smellscape. Tactile sensations that engage the body in motion are also important for the sensory landscape. The sensory landscape is perfectly reconstructed by the sensory gardens, aimed at activating all senses.

Traditionally, the landscape experience has a visual character and is part of the oculocentrism encoded in the European culture, which gives the eye a privileged position among other senses. Aesthetics and philosophy have strongly embedded in tradition the notion of the superiority of sight, reducing the role of other stimuli in the perception and evaluation of the surrounding world. The hierarchy of the senses, cultivated since antiquity, emphasising the role of visual perception of beauty and giving preference to that what is visual, has led to the discrediting of the senses considered lower and responsible for mere sensual pleasure. Higher-value “theoretical senses” (higher) – eyesight and hearing – were linked to the sphere of artistic impressions, while the remaining “practical senses” (lower) –  smell, taste and touch – with materiality and its sensual properties (Plato, Kant, Hegel). Nowadays, moving away from the privileged status of sight as a source of cognition that only gives a picture and a view of the surface, the role of the other senses in relation to the outside world has been recognised. According to Berleant, it is no longer possible to maintain the distinction between the lower and higher senses, because it destroys the aesthetic perception of an environment in which not sight, but other forms of experience play a paramount role, even if the stimuli are perceived subconsciously. The demolition of the old hierarchy of senses makes it possible to discover new qualities of the landscape, because apart from the visual landscape, other types of landscape, previously effectively depreciated: aural, olfactory, tactile, equally strongly influencing its overall perception, are revealed. Individual sensory landscapes, even if interpreted in isolation, do not exist in separation from each other – they overlap, amplifying the stimuli. Eyesight cooperates with that which is tactile, touch with taste, taste with smell.

The new arrangement of the senses has allowed their “spatialisation” and recognition that the senses organise space through smells, sounds, views and haptic sensations, while each of the senses – sight, hearing, touch, taste, smell – contributes to a direct understanding of the place and helps to orientate oneself in space. In this context, Tuan distinguishes between close and distant senses: those that allow for a direct response to certain emotional and physical stimuli, and those that keep a distance.

The spatialisation of the senses reshapes their hierarchy, giving primacy to the activating contact senses, converting time-space relationships: from immediate taste sensations to a long lasting audio experience, from distanced vision to the carnality of touch. Tuan emphasises the tactile quality of the senses: hearing and sight make the world accessible, touch and smell testify to its reality. Eyesight does not play a dominant role in this respect. It is helpful because it allows one to assess the situation, but is not able to capture the entire sensual quality of the landscape: the polyphony of sounds, smells and tastes.

Tuan’s proposal, which links closeness to materiality and distance to visuality, shows the close relationship between the landscape and the place as such: only being in a specific place allows one to experience the landscape. The “materiality of the place”, attested by the close senses, gives a broader knowledge and a deeper possibility to feel the landscape experienced by the distant senses. A sensual presentation of the landscape requires a change in the attitude of the viewer, who transforms from a passive observer into an active participant. It is necessary to remove the distance, either through practical activities or through the poly-sensory experience of the real landscape. In experiencing the sensory landscape it is not possible to turn off individual senses: we admire the view (sense of sight) listening to the singing of birds (sense of hearing), but first we had to reach the place (sense of touch, tactility), from which the best panorama stretches. It is impossible to turn off the sense of smell, but one can get used to certain smells; one cannot turn off the sense of hearing, but it is possible to get used to certain noises, as people in big cities know best. “Fresh air” as an essential element of the natural environment is a frequent reason for escaping from the city, although it may also assume forms that are repulsive for some, such as farm smells.

The concept of soundscape was introduced into Canadian literature by the composer, musicologist and cultural critic, Murray Schafer, a pioneer of sound ecology, particularly interested in the phonosphere of the city and the growing noise in it, and the phonosphere of a virgin landscape, where one can still look for the lost balance between sound and silence. The sound landscape is the directness and instantaneousness of sound sensations, which can be perceived as pleasant or not in a subjective way, as opposed to an abstracted, objective composition of the view. For centuries, the loudest sounds that penetrated the environment were the sounds of nature, such as bird singing, storm sounds, wind noise. This means that the primeval space was acoustic, but today it has been transformed into a visual space, and the sounds of nature have been drowned out by human cacophony. This applies in particular to the sounds of the city.

Douglas Porteous was the first to write about the landscape of smells; Corbin referred to it indirectly in his work entitled “In the Grip of Revulsion”. As Porteous claims, the landscape of smells is discontinuous, fragmented in space and episodic in time, but cannot be detached from other senses. Smells surround us, filling our immediate surroundings, encouraging us with pleasant aromas or causing us to withdraw through unpleasant odours. The smells inherent in nature are pleasant, in contrast to the “urban” smells: car exhaust fumes, industrial and chemical smell of liquids or body odours. Smell is one of the factors that allow to distinguish between urban and rural (natural) space, to distinguish between the organic character of rural and natural smells, their intensity in the forest, from the civilisation, industrial odour generated by cars, factories. In this context, one of the aspects of modernity is the aromatisation of culture. The most pleasant natural fragrances (floral, forest, marine) become – by dint of the chemical industry – “cultural” fragrances as aromas of popular cleaning agents or air fresheners.

Rodaway took up the issue of the sensory landscape by developing the concept of sensory geography, understood as one of the areas of humanistic geography. Rodaway attempted to reconstruct tactility in three dimensions: tactile experience, haptic experience and kinaesthetic experience. Tactility is the most intimate sense, a model way of sensory experience (“to touch means to be touched”). Just as one can distinguish between seeing and looking, listening and hearing, one can distinguish between feeling and touching. We can say that when we are in a landscape, the landscape is in us. This reversibility highlights the corporeality of our being in the world, which, according to Merleau-Ponty, takes ontological precedence over the perception of things and the sensuality of our perception of the world. Losing tactility means losing the feeling of being in the world, immobilises us in anaesthesia and eliminates kinaesthetic possibilities. For haptics defines the ability to participate – passive (as being touched) or active (as touching) – in the landscape, including kinesthesia as an awareness of presence and movement in the perception of space and in the relation of the body to the place. In this sense, the haptic experience gives access to the living world and to the material world.

The aspect of carnality plays a more serious role when it comes to kinaesthetic experience, perception on the way, body-in-motion. Kinesthetic experience determines the kind of unity (of the body) with the environment, integration of the person and place, placement in the space with which the body is both a continuum and a medium mediating between the self and the environment. The tactile feeling itself is of passive nature, only when combined with movement, combined with topographic experience it transforms into active being-in-the-world. The body is the medium through which we experience and feel the world; the senses give proof of presence. From this perspective, the role of “guide” through the landscape is played by the kinaesthetic sense, which, by mediating between the body and the environment, activates the senses, leading to their synaesthesia in the face of the multitude of sensory landscapes.

[B. F.]

 

Literature:

Hegel, Georg W.H. Introductory Lectures on Aesthetics, London: Penguin Books Ltd, 1993

Krajewski, Marek.  Kultury kultury popularnej. Poznań: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM, 2005.

Berleant, Arnold. Re-thinking Aesthetics: Rogue Essays on Aesthetics and the Arts. London: Routledge, 2004.

Berleant, Arnold. Sensibility and Sense: The Aesthetic Transformation of the Human World, Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2010.

Rodaway, Paul. Sensuous Geographies. Body, Sense and Place. London – New York: Routledge, 1994.

Tuan, Yi-Fu. Space and Place: The Perspective of Experience. University of Minnesota Press; 2001.

Tuan, Yi-Fu. Passing Strange and Wonderful. Aesthetics, Nature, and Culture. Washington: Island Press, 1993.

Seel, Martin. Aesthetics of Appearing. Stanford University Press, 2005.

Porteous, J. Douglas. Smellscape, In: J. Drobnick (ed.), The Smell Culture Reader, Oxford- New York: Berg,  2006.

Drobnick, Jim (ed.). The Smell Culture Reader. Oxford-New York: Berg, 2006.

Csordas, Thomas J. Embodiment and Experience, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994.

Casey, Edward. How to Get from Space to Place in a Fairly Short Stretch of Time: Phenomenological Prologema. In: Feld, Stephen, Basso, Keith (eds.) Senses of Place. Santa Fe, NM: School of American Research Press, 1996.

AGRICULTURAL LANDSCAPE

AGRICULTURAL LANDSCAPE

A type of cultural landscape, created as a result of human agricultural activity; associated with agriculture as a sphere of production and the countryside as a domain of what is pastoral.

 

The agricultural landscape is the earliest type of landscape shaped by humans since the adoption of a settled lifestyle. Along with the Neolithic revolution, including gradual development of agriculture, invention of agricultural tools, management of cleared areas, humans, improving methods of land cultivation and animal husbandry, gradually transformed the landscape, creating a typical rural landscape of fields and rural settlements.

For Europe and the Anglo-American culture a characteristic way of organising rural space is the central location of the village, around which there are cultivated fields, further on pastures, meadows, orchards, plantations, forests (Muir). Among the types of villages characteristic for Poland there are villages organised along one long street, rundlings, forest villages. Buildings characteristic for agricultural landscape include low houses (originally single-storey), farm buildings, windmills, inns.

The agricultural landscape in Poland covers about 60% of the country’s territory. The Central Poland Lowlands (Mazowiecka, Wielkopolska, Śląska) are dominated by cereal crops, forest landscapes in the lake districts, meadows and pastures in the foothills. From the landscape point of view, a noteworthy aspect of the agricultural environment in Poland is the so-called chessboard of fields, which is the result of significant land fragmentation. Individual fields may differ in the type of sowing, resulting in colour and/or texture differences arising from the variety of crops grown.

Aesthetic and literary interest in the agricultural landscape can be seen in the ancient culture (the idylls of Theocritus, the Eclogues also called the Bucolics by Vergil), prone to the idealisation of the rural life and nature. Depictions from the Middle Ages show more often the “materiality” of the earth and related tasks (calendars illustrating field works, Matins of the Limbourg Brothers), as well as works from the Renaissance period (e.g. Pieter Bruegel the Elder’s The Harvesters). The presence of the agricultural landscape in European culture developed in the 18th century, and deepened in the 19th century (Romanticism) in the period of an increased interest in folklore and folk culture and the development of landscape painting. In the 18th century, an aesthetic category of the picturesque was born, thanks to which the pastoral landscape gained in importance.

The agricultural landscape may also be considered in ethical and moral terms. The Renaissance maintained the antique image of the village as an idyllic and bucolic space. In the 19th century, this image was strengthened by the belief in the existence of a natural order of things in rural life and rural culture (in opposition to the “corrupt” life in the city). From the 19th century, values such as physical vigour, community, friendship, common work, simplicity and kindness were associated with the countryside.  Village people, who in the 18th century were accused of incompetence and lack of education, began to be treated as a repository of folk wisdom in the 19th century. A characteristic feature of living in the countryside became authenticity, distinguishing those who “live in the landscape” from tourists who only “watch it”. (the perspective of the inhabitant in opposition to the perspective of the tourist). In the 20th century, the agricultural landscapes began to be associated with the national landscapes.

The agricultural landscape can be looked at in terms of formal beauty (lines and colours) and expressive beauty linking memory and experience (Carlson). In recent years, this type of landscape has become more aesthetically pleasing, with the countryside increasingly used for entertainment rather than for land cultivation. Attention is drawn to its picturesque character, which serves agro-tourism (sheep are grazed in the pastures for tourists and picturesque views); rural areas are transformed into theme parks (Lowenthal), and the smell of animals and manure is replaced by the smell of plants (Porteous).

[M.G.]

 

Literature:

Carlson, Allen. Nature and Landscape. An Introduction to Environmental Aesthetics. New York: Columbia University Press, 2009 (especially chapter 6: “Productivity and the Aesthetic Value of Agricultural Landscapes”).

Lowenthal, David. “European Landscape Transformations; the Rural Residues”. Landscape Research, Vol.32, no.5, 2007, pp. 637-659.

Muir, Richard. Approaches to Landscape. London: Macmillan, 1999.

Porteous, John D. “Smellscape” in: The Smell Culture Reader, J. Drobnick (ed.), pp. 89-106. Oxford: Berg, 2006.

 

 

LANDSCAPE OF MEMORY

MEMORY OF LANDSCAPE

Interpretative approach to landscape from the perspective of the processes of memory and oblivion, taking place in cultural and social reality, but leaving a symbolic or material (physical, topographic) trace in the cultural landscape.

Landscape memory is not the same as the memorial sites as introduced by Nora, nor is it identical with institutionalised historical memory expressed in “inscriptions” such as historical buildings, monuments, memorial plaques, etc. It is the effect of distinguishing what is historical (materially, chronologically, officially) from memory (living, spontaneous, discontinuous), open to dialectics of memory and oblivion. It concerns people, things, places and events that were more or less important at the time, but nowadays are no longer a space of experience. Although the knowledge about them is limited, they have left a trace in the socio-cultural reality, affecting the landscape shaped by humans (in the form of a marked road, planted tree, foundations of a house, a crossroads cross, etc.). Memory understood in this way has a limited temporal use-by date, which is the result of successive generations and a gradual narrowing down of what the community remembers from the furthest past (Halbwachs). Events, people, things and even ritual practices can be forgotten. The memory of the landscape is a-historical, it escapes chronology and continuity of narration, it expresses itself in what is non-verbal, conveyed in an unconscious and usually silent way. Landscape memory is manifested through natural processes that encompass people’s past and their everyday affairs, things and events that, not being of a breakthrough historical significance, have not entered the historical order, subject to natural time. Landscape memory is expressed in the cultural landscape, in which the forgotten is accumulated in the form of a symbolic or material palimpsest. From this perspective, the landscape becomes a reservoir of past life and a medium of remembrance: it is the embedding of what humanity has abandoned or forgotten. This applies to works and activities developed individually or communally. As such, the landscape resembles a storage memory (Assmann), gathering inactive content (the forgotten, displaced, excluded), for which the dialectical opposite is the living, current functional memory. Storage memory includes what has been accumulated and forgotten in a certain period of time, but which can be resurrected by the functional memory that gives it renewed validity. This moment can be source research that restores the memory of something or someone (e.g. genealogical research), a breakthrough archaeological discovery (e.g. Biskupin), restoration of old customs and rituals (e.g. St. John’s Night). They can also be “mnemonic tools”, such as commemorative rituals to which Connerton refers, a set of traditions and ritual practices that have absorbed some of the community’s memories, inactive for centuries, but kept in the form of stories, transformed into legends and parables. Ritual gestures contain a “reminder” which, in a performative form, as an embodied ritual, permeates into rituals, holy days, established practices that unite generations. From the perspective of landscape memory, it is worth noting that Connerton introduced a kind of memory defined by him as locus. It is the memory of people living in a given place and experiencing it “internally”, which means that it has an “embodied” character, is connected with a form of communing with what time has retained and left in memory. Its medium are the body, habits and gestures. It is a memory that has found refuge in customs, in the skills passed to others by unwritten traditions, in the collection of inner self-awareness, in natural reflexes and deep-rooted memories that do not belong to the individual, but to the community. The memory of gestures and rituals is an activity that co-shapes the cultural landscape. The materiality of landscape memory is expressed by traces, open and secret, which, intercepted by nature, begin to be subject to natural processes (a house falls into ruin, a fortified settlement becomes a topographical form, etc.). All that remains is a trace of them in the landscape: “discreet memory image”. (Assmann), referring directly to a landscape in which the forgotten manifests itself in a more or less legible way. The landscape is full of traces of previous generations which, if not updated, become illegible. Humans have the ability to recognise and read them: without this, the landscape remains “silent”, and its perception is not able to reach the source, condemning it to being just an aesthetic surface. It is a kind of non-memory that affects places, people, events, but it settles in the landscape, making the landscape itself a medium of memory: it is the landscape that stores the “memory” in the form of traces of old human activity. Such are, among others, landscapes rich in archaeological sediments, which are not covered by cultural memory or individual memory. Landscape memory is a kind of memory that is not based on memories, it is difficult to find its location in the collective memory, and yet it can take on a narrative form. This is possible thanks to the non-objective memory, which is expressed by traces legible in topography, ruins and even vegetation, i.e. those elements which have already lost their connection with human activity, although it is the source and cause of it. The non-human memory of the landscape is expressed in its geographical and symbolic topography, terrain and cultural and symbolic representations connected with given spaces.

[B. F.]

Literature:

Assmann, Aleida. Erinnerungsräume. Formen und Wandlungen des kulturellen Gedächtnisses, München: CH  Beck, 1999.

Connerton, Paul. How Societies Remember,  Cambridge University Press 1989.

Frydryczak, Beata. Krajobraz. Od estetyki the picturesque do doświadczenia topograficznego. Poznań: Wydawnictwo PTPN, 2013.

Frydryczak, Beata. Lednicki krajobraz pamięci historią opisany. In: Krajobrazy regionu. Studium interdyscyplinarne Ziemi Gnieźnieńskiej, Łódź: Przypis, 2017.
Halbwachs, Maurice. On Collective Memory. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992.
Ingold, Tim. The temporality of the landscape. “World Archeology”, 1993, vol. 25, 2.

Ingold, Tim. The Perception of the Environment, Essays on Livelihood, Dwelling and Skill, London – New York: Psychology Press, 2000.

Olwig, Kenneth R. Landscape, Nature, and the Body Politics. From Britain Renaissance to America’s New World. Wisconsin: Wisconsin University Press, 2002.

Ricoeur, Paul. Memory, History, Forgetting, Chicago University Press, 2004.

Sauer Carl. Land and Line. A selection from the Writings of Carl Ortwin Sauer, Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1967.

Tilley, Christopher. A Phenomenology of  Landscape. Places, Paths, and Monuments,  Oxford: Berg Publishers, 1994.

 

 

 

NATURAL LANDSCAPE

NATURAL LANDSCAPE

A spatially isolated fragment of the material world reality, constituting a complex system including terrain forms, soil, water, rocks and vegetation. Atmosphere is also considered to be an element of the landscape.

Although humans, especially during the anthropogenic period, may be a factor significantly influencing the character of the natural landscape, the action of natural factors is considered decisive for the latter. Due to the degree of human intervention, one can identify primeval, semi-natural and quasi-cultural landscapes (Myga Piątek). Abiotic, biotic and social factors can be distinguished in the natural landscape (Rychling and Solon).

The term “natural landscape” is sometimes treated as synonymous with the term “natural environment”. Other terms used in the literature include epigeosphere, geosphere, geosystem, earth cover, landscape cover. In the 19th century, when the term “landscape” began to be used in geography and related sciences, the following terms were also used: earthly nature, Earth, earth surface (Lonc and Kantowicz).

The natural landscape is dealt with by various scientific disciplines, e.g. geography (physical), geology, which take a specific point of view, focusing on particular aspects of the landscape. However, there are holistic approaches that consider natural landscapes in all their complexity and inevitable links with human activity, e.g. landscape ecology, which is the resultant of geographical and biological disciplines and is “a holistic approach to the subject of research, which is the landscape including humans and the effects of their activities, treated in structural, functional and visual terms. Landscape ecology includes analysis of landscape components and the relations occurring between them, identification of natural spatial units, their hierarchical classification and valorisation of natural environment systems for various forms of human activity”. (Rychling and Solon).

Although, in simplified terms, the natural landscape can be identified with nature (wild or subjected to human influence) and is therefore primarily a subject of life sciences research, it also occupies an important place in culture and reflection on it. It is not only that the natural landscape is at the heart of the cultural landscape and in this sense is a material condition for the existence of culture, but also that ways of conceptualising the natural landscape are an important component of it. Similarly, the ways in which it is represented are important.

The natural landscape is a part of human lifestyle: the field and rural buildings form an agricultural landscape, industrialisation – an industrial landscape, urbanisation – an urban landscape. The natural landscape sometimes becomes a part of mythology or religious system when, for example, a set of images is linked to a sacred tree or mountain, and with the introduction of sacral architecture and roadside shrines, it forms a religious landscape. It can also take on iconic features (e.g. Mount Fuji in Japan, rice terraces in China, Mount Giewont in the Tatra Mountains), national landscape features (when combined with national values, e.g. fields with weeping willows in Poland) and be considered a part not only of the natural heritage, but also of the national one. The natural landscape, like any cultural landscape, can become a component of identity, both collectively and individually (e.g. home landscape or childhood landscape). The natural landscape of the country of origin often functions as an archetypical landscape, ideal for melancholy. The natural landscape can also be an element of politics: on the one hand, it can be identified as a “natural” place for a given community, and on the other hand, it can be managed in such a way as to eliminate the values traditionally associated with it (e.g. colonial policy).

The natural landscape is one of the most important themes of art. European art as well as the art of China showed natural landscapes already in ancient times. In the West, paintings of this kind (landscapes) flourished in the modern era, in the 16th and 17th centuries. It was then that the very term for a view from a given place became commonplace, and until the 19th century, the landscape shown in art was identical to the natural landscape. The popularity of landscape painting contributed to the creation of the category of picturesqueness, which was extremely important for the culture of the eighteenth and nineteenth century, which referred not only to the painted landscapes, but above all to the real natural landscapes. This artistic tradition was evident in the 19th century, when the term began to be used in geography, understood as landscape recreation. The connection of landscape with painting and picturesqueness also contributed to the emergence of such term as “landscape architecture” – initially, it was believed that an architect should be like a painter and create picturesque landscapes. In this sense, the natural landscape can also be associated with the art of establishing landscape parks created in the 18th century in England, differing in style and form from previously shaped gardens in the French style, in which symmetry, geometric patterns, proportions, harmony, being an expression of human domination over natural phenomena, prevailed. Landscape parks are a manifestation of interest in wild nature (natural landscape, primeval landscape), which grew out of the conviction that the beauty of nature stands above the beauty of art, and on the other hand, a specific way of understanding the natural landscape, different from the way in which it was perceived in earlier epochs.

The fascination with nature found its expression in the 19th century idea of wilderness, i.e. nature of North America untouched by the human hand, an idea which was the basis for, among others, the creation of a system of national parks aimed at the protection of primeval natural landscapes.

Both eighteenth-century landscape parks and the idea of wilderness show to what extent the natural landscape and its key category of naturalness are cultural products. Landscape parks are human products (cultural landscapes) and only imitate natural landscapes, showing at the same time how nature was once understood and how “naturalness” was understood. On the other hand, huge stretches of North America seemed to European colonisers natural areas to be settled, because they did not recognise the presence of the original inhabitants – native Americans. Wilderness areas may seem natural when compared to urban landscapes, but the influence of culture can be seen in them when compared to tertiary forests.

While from the standpoint of natural sciences with their reality-focused attitude, the category of natural landscape does not cause major problems, from the point of view of cultural sciences, especially those with a constructivist profile, the idea of natural landscape is questionable. Firstly, the idea of the landscape is unclear. Landscape is a phenomenon created with the participation of humans who either look at and evaluate the landscape through the prism of aesthetic notions (e.g. beauty, sublimity or picturesqueness), or live in it, transforming it (in which case the landscape becomes an inhabited place and the familiar surroundings). Secondly, the notion of nature is not unambiguous, because its understanding is historically variable and saddled with ideological meanings. We also call “natural” something that is not “artificial” and has a connection with nature. In this sense, a living Christmas tree at home on Christmas Eve is natural, unlike the plastic one, although its dimension (e.g. the fact that it comes from a plantation, that it appears during Christmas celebration and for its purpose) remains cultural. A village that differs from an industrial city is “natural”, and the longing for “nature” is satisfied by a trip away from the city, although the creation of the rural landscape is the result of the impact of culture.

[M. G., M. S.]

Literature:
Lonc, Elżbieta, Kantowicz, Ewelina. Ekologia i ochrona środowiska: podręcznik dla studentów. Wałbrzych: Wydawnictwo Państwowej Wyższej Szkoły Zawodowej im. Angelusa Silesiusa, 2005.
Myga-Piątek, Urszula. Krajobrazy kulturowe: aspekty ewolucyjne i typologiczne. Katowice: Uniwersytet Śląski, 2012.

Richling, Andrzej, Solon, Jerzy. Ekologia krajobrazu. Warszawa: PWN, 2011.

 

NATIONAL LANDSCAPE

NATIONAL LANDSCAPE

A concept combining a territory that is politically and/or emotionally close to a nation with the needs, values, representations and traditions of that nation associated with or defining the characteristic elements of a certain landscape through the prism of national values.

 

The concept of national landscape finds the most coherent expression in nation states (Cosgrove). The idea of such a landscape is often built around country-specific flora and fauna (e.g. white-tailed eagle, weeping willows and oaks as symbols of Poland, moorland as characteristic features of Scotland), topography and physiography (e.g. Norwegian fjords, Swiss Alps), geography (e.g. Poland as a country stretching between the Baltic Sea and the Tatra Mountains), climate (e.g. the presence of four seasons), country-specific land use methods (e.g. village morphology, field layout, Greek olive groves, Polish orchards, Chinese rice terraces, differences between desert Palestine and agriculturally developed Israel), national monuments and symbols (e.g. the Statue of Liberty, the destroyed WTC towers, the Eiffel Tower), religions and ways of erecting and situating temples, recognition of aesthetic values of a given area (e.g. French formal gardens and English landscape gardens), approaches to the environment (Finnish or Canadian landscapes are considered to be “clean”, and Chinese as “polluted”). Iconic images that illustrate the relationship between people or nation and their inhabited territory and nature (Cresswell) are involved in the creation of such landscapes. The concept of the national landscape (that which constitutes it in our minds), as well as the concept of a nation, is sometimes strongly ideologised and has an imaginative character (Gellner, Anderson).

The ideas of nation and patriotism that bound people to the local environment appeared among the educated Romans as early as the first century A.D., but on a wider scale came into being only in the second half of the nineteenth century and during the twentieth century, when European nation states were being formed. The authors of the ideas of the nation and the national landscape were artists and historians, depicting imaginative and sensitive images of the relationship between nature and its inhabitants (e.g. in the late 19th century Meitzen published a work in which he proclaimed that each people created a unique form of land organisation and that the landscape is an important determinant of ethnic or national character; similar ideas were announced in Germany by Herder, in Poland by Mickiewicz and Słowacki). Some landscapes (and their iconic representations) were particularly valued for their role in building the nation’s identity and shaping its culture. In the Polish culture there were images of Tatra highlanders against the background of mountains; in Germany, united as a national state under Prussian rule, the image of a muscular German standing among mountains and forests was promoted. In Ireland, attempts were made to define the national landscape by emphasising Celtic cultural elements (Cosgrove). In the 20th century, landscapes became recognisable national symbols and elements of national heritage on an equal footing with flags or languages (Lowenthal).

Imaging a national landscape helps to create a national identity and maintain cultural unity (striving to preserve identity through regulations protecting the “view”). It is inscribed in the founding myths, it is connected with the fate of the heroes and public memory. This type of landscape is built on the basis of a commonwealth of experience, but it can cause exclusion (who has the right to reside in a given territory, who has the right to inherit the land [Rose, Philips]); it can also become a tool of imperial policy where the landscapes of the colonisers’ nation begin to be created in the conquered territory. In South Dakota, on Plains Indian tribes territory, busts of four American presidents were carved out of the Rushmore rock, illustrating and at the same time legitimising the power of the white man, while the native Americans, who originally lived in this area, were locked up in reservations. Aborigines in Australia were treated in a similar way. Catholic churches are inscribed in the national landscape of the Philippines, and parts of the landscape of Tahiti, New Zealand and India (Smith) have been developed along the lines of the European landscape. In 2001, in the Afghan city of Bamian the Taliban destroyed the statues of Buddha to bring the local landscape closer to the idea of the Islamic State.

The concept of a nation and the instilling of love for the national landscape means that social inequalities are no longer perceived – the promotion of love for mining life leads to a situation where it is easy to ignore the danger of working in a mine. In England and France, in the 18th and 19th centuries, gardens were created in the countryside – “beautifying” the landscape was a legitimisation of power over the lower classes. In the USA and Canada, the importance given to the natural landscape and its role in shaping national identity still serves today as an argument for refusing to return land to the indigenous populations. The idea of the national landscape is therefore entangled in politics and ideology (Agnew), in economic or utilitarian senses (Agnew), sometimes marked by imperialism and nationalism (Mitchell) and cannot be treated only in terms of the contemplated view. Sometimes it becomes the object of claims of two or more nations, if it is a part of their tradition and an identity component (the Gates of Dawn in Vilnius known to the Poles as the Sharp Gate [Ostra Brama], Cemetery of the Lviv Eaglets, Jerusalem) becoming a part of the historical policy pursued by a given country (state). The national landscape can also contribute to the development of tourism (trips to places recognised as iconic for the countries concerned: Niagara Falls in Canada, national parks and safaris in Kenya, Japanese Mount Fuji, American Grand Canyon in Colorado, Yellow Mountains in China, etc.).

[M.G. ]

 

Literature:

Agnew, John A., Corbridge, Stuart. Mastering Space: Hegemony, Territory and International Political Economy. London: Routledge, 1995.

Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso, 1983.

Cosgrove, Denis. „Landscape and the European Sense of Sight – Eyeing Nature“, In: Handbook of Cultural Geography, K. Anderson, M. Domosh, S. Pile, N. Thrift (eds.), pp. 249-268. London: Sage, 2003.

Cresswell, Tim. Place: a Short Introduction. Malden, USA, Oxford, UK and Carlton, Australia: Blackwell Publishing, 2004.

Gellner, Ernest. Nations and Nationalism. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2007.

Lowenthal, David. Lowenthal, David. “European Landscape Transformations; the Rural Residues”. Landscape Research, Vol.32, no.5, 2007, pp. 637-659.

Mitchell, Katharyne. „Multiculturalism, or the United Colors of Capitalism?” Antipode 25 (1993): 263–94.

Phillips, Richard. „Imperialism, sexuality and space: purity movements in the British Empire.” W: Postcolonial Geographies, red. Alison Blunt, Cheryl McEwan.  London: Continuum, 2002.

Rose, Gillian.  Feminism and Geography. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1993.

Smith, Bernard. European Vision and the South Pacific, 1768–1850: a study in the history of art and ideas. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985.

CITYSCAPE

CITYSCAPE

(urban landscape, German: Stadtlandschaft). A type of landscape formed as a result of the urbanisation processes.

 

The cityscape is understood by cultural geographers and architects as a variant of the cultural landscape, manifested in the urban order, architectural complexes, permanent elements of urban space and green areas. As a result of global urbanisation (metropolitanisation, but also suburbanisation) covering an ever-increasing swathes of built-up and natural areas adjacent to cities, it is becoming a dominant landscape. It is more than just an architectural urban space, although it is a permanent component of it as a sphere of influence and shaping certain cultural, historical and aesthetic values and meanings, as well as the interpenetration of various political and economic interests. In this sense, the urban landscape acquires community significance as a space of dispute, conflict and compromise. It is formed historically and socially, subject to planned activities, but also to everyday, grassroots practices of the city’s inhabitants (e.g. civic gardens).

The cityscape is one of the subjects of urban studies (Rewers). In cultural and aesthetic research, the urban landscape is a visual phenomenon that reflects the character of the city and defines its identity. The cityscape is affected by all factors influencing the perception of urban space, including the sensual aspects of the city (images, sounds, smells) and as such it is a space of polysensory experience. In this respect, the most advanced is research into the sound landscape (sound sphere, soundscape) of the city.

The sources of understanding the city as a landscape should be sought in the Renaissance way of depicting the world as a painting (“Alberti’s window”, painting perspective), the ideal city concepts (Alberti, Piero della Francesca) and 17th-century northern European painting (e.g. Vermeer), which popularised the panoramic view of the city (veduta). In this sense, painting was the first to define urban space as a landscape. On the one hand, the 19th-century development of cities as a result of accelerated industrialisation (especially London) and technological progress (e.g. the invention of photography), and on the other hand, new cultural processes related to the advent of modernity (Simmel, Benjamin) contributed to the consolidation of the understanding and perception of the city as a picture. Impressionistic painting and photography, among others, attempted to reflect the dynamics of the city in the captured frame (Atget). The moment intensifying the development of the urban landscape was the period of reconstruction of Paris, the so-called haussmannisation, which in the second half of the nineteenth century caused an urban transformation of the city centre and the emergence of new architectural forms (boulevards, shopping arcades, shop windows). Haussmann’s urban plan was to demolish the medieval city centre, build it up again with tall tenement houses, but also to create green areas: numerous small squares and large parks. As a result, a new type of inhabitant of the city emerged – the stroller (flâneur). In cultural research, the flâneur is an interpretive figure of the city. Flâneur is a figure who sees a kind of spectacle taking place in the city, analyses urban space and its elements, and treats the city as a type of palimpsest hiding the signs of the past (Baudelaire, Benjamin, Bauman). In this sense, the urban landscape is also shaped in memory as a memorable image. Benjamin’s analyses, starting from the indication of panoramas that contribute to the perception of the city in terms of landscape, aim at indicating the idea of a labyrinth as a form of city topography (Paetzold).

In Benjamin’s view, flaneurism is a way of participation in urban life, which emphasises the visual perception of the city as an image and as a phenomenon. Thus, the cityscape is expressed both in architectural forms such as passages, railway stations, urban parks (permanence of the urban landscape), as well as in what is diverse, variable and temporary in urban space: crowds, advertising, reflections in shop windows, light (transience of the urban landscape). In this respect, the analyses of the city conducted from the viewpoint of multiplication and unreality of the city in mirrored reflections of glass architecture also deserve attention. This approach had already been initiated by Benjamin, who studied them on the basis of “glass architecture”, but their intensification did not occur until the second half of the 20th century, with the development of architecture and urban glass complexes (e.g. the Sony Centre in Berlin), as well as with the emergence of various forms of urban screens (billboards, light advertisements, glass facades).

The cityscape is also a space of multisensory experiences, an area influenced by sensory stimuli (Simmel), which not only affect the perception of its image, but also overlap, strengthening their power and creating together a polyphony of images, sounds, smells, tactile sensations. It is a collage of individual sensual landscapes, which, even if interpreted in isolation, do not exist in isolation. Since the 19th century, an important aspect of the urban landscape has been public urban parks, which, as green islands, were to play the role of “urban lungs” in the face of deepening overcrowding, industrialisation and urban pollution. (Sennett). In connection with the emergence of the idea of leisure time, as opposed to working time, they were to be a surrogate of what is natural in the place of residence. Parks created in the landscape style were inspired by the best models.

In urban planning, composing an cityscape means striving for visual spatial harmony, linking architecture (views and landscape dominants) with the natural environment, taking into account environmental qualities. This idea appeared already in antiquity in cities located on the rocky slopes with a panorama of the surrounding area (Rhodes, Pergamon, Assos) and returned in various historical periods: in Baroque in Versailles, etc. and in the twentieth century in Milton Keys, among others. Recent trends in urban design underline the importance of urban landscape for the search for ways to integrate a modern (post-industrial), diverse city based on a strategy of landscape continuity and the integration of the city with natural suburban areas (e.g. the Bella Centre in Copenhagen). This is also the result of the trend to create city-regions as a new town-planning form (urban landscape), where not only is the boundary between the city and the out-of-town area blurred (in-betweencity), but their interpenetration is expected.

[B. F., M. K.]

 

Literature:

Lynch, Kevin. The Image of the City, Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1960.

Madurowicz, Mikołaj. Ciągłość miasta. Prolegomena. Warszawa: WUW, 2017.

Paetzold, Heinz. Miasto jako labirynt, Walter Benjamin i nie tylko, trans. A Zaporowski. In:  Przestrzeń, filozofia i architektura. Osiem rozmów o poznawaniu, produkowaniu i komponowaniu przestrzeni, ed. E. Rewers. Poznań: Wydawnictwo Fundacja Humaniora,  1999.

Simmel, Georg. Simmel, Georg. The Metropolis and Mental Life. In: The Sociology of Georg Simmel. New. York: Free Press, 1950.

Rewers, Ewa (ed.) Kulturowe studia miejskie. Warszawa: NCK, 2014.

Rewers, Ewa. Post-polis. Wstęp do filozofii ponowoczesnego miasta. Kraków: Universitas, 2005.

Rewers, Ewa (ed). Miasto w sztuce- sztuka miasta. Kraków: Universitas, 2010.

Paszkowski, Zbigniew. Miasto idealne w perspektywie europejskiej i jego związki z urbanistyką współczesną. Kraków: Universitas, 2011.

Changing Places, Contemporary German Landscape Architechture, BDLA, Birkhauser, Basel-Berlin-Boston 2005.

Sennett, Richard. Flesh and Stone. The Body And The City In Western Civilization. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1996.

CULTURAL LANDSCAPE

CULTURAL LANDSCAPE

The term developed on the basis of geography, where landscape (German Landschaft, French paysage) means a “complex geographical whole”, including natural and anthropogenic elements; applied, among others, in archaeology and anthropology, but also in cultural, historical studies, discourse of memory, tourism, where it refers to the area which is subject to and shaped, developed and valued by humans.

 

The idea of the cultural landscape indicates the processual nature of the landscape, including social and cultural phenomena taking place within its boundaries, as well as practices emphasising the mutual relationship between humanity and the environment. As a term it enters into relations with such notions as space and place. In contrast to landscape understood as a view (aesthetic landscape), the notion of the cultural landscape refers to the environment transformed by humans in a physical, material and symbolic sense, bearing traces of their activities occurring over time. In this sense, any landscape is culturally transformed.

Since the mid-19th century, research into the cultural landscape has developed in two traditions: German (Ritter, Ratzel) and French (Vidal de la Blache), focusing the attention of geographers on the socio-cultural determinants of the landscape. The studies intensified in the first half of the twentieth century, thanks, among others, to the American geographer Sauer and the Berkeley school associated with him. Their decisive development took place at the turn of the twentieth and twenty-first century thanks to researchers specializing in humanistic (cultural) geography. Since Vidal de la Blache drew attention to the need to take into account the impact of human beings on the environment in geographical analyses, the landscape has begun to be seen as the result of a meeting of culture and nature, man and nature.

One of the first definitions of cultural landscape, most frequently cited in Anglo-Saxon literature, was formulated by Sauer: “The cultural landscape is fashioned from a natural landscape by a cultural group. Culture is the agent, the natural area is the medium, the cultural landscape is the result”. As far as landscape is concerned, Sauer was interested in the relations between man and nature in a given territory and in the way in which humanity transforms the natural environment into a cultural one. He was interested in the history of settlement, agricultural colonisation and land use. Humans – through work – influence their surroundings, shaping the cultural landscape, which is dynamic in nature and is subject to transformation along with cultural and social development.

The etymological research concerning the concept of landscape made it possible to derive this term from two sources: social life and geographical conditions. John B. Jackson emphasised that it includes experience, habitation and everyday practice. Jackson and Olwig, studying the historical changes of the term “landscape”, pointed to its connotations with the land. According to Olwig, the concept of landscape contains a double meaning: “territorial’, identifying the landscape with an area of land in the sense of province, state, region, and “scenic”, meaning a fragment of land and sky appearing in the field of vision. According to him, etymological sources of the concept of landscape indicate the relations between the community (in different languages defined by the suffix: -schaft, -ship, -scape) and the customary law relating to the management and use of a specific area inhabited by a given community.

The earliest research on the cultural landscape was directed towards the relationship between humanity and the environment. It concentrated on rural areas. The development of landscape research has contributed to the extension of the issues studied to completely new areas such as landscape versus identity, landscape versus representation, landscape versus the value system, power and dominance versus landscape. In this way, the landscape has been integrated into the area of cultural research and it participates in the system of values and in the shaping of cultural traditions.

The phenomenological turn in the research on the cultural landscape in the 1980s and 1990s allowed to adapt to its needs Heidegger’s theory of inhabitation, adopted primarily in anthropological and archaeological research. Tilley and Ingold are in favour of reading the landscape in this way. According to the latter, the landscape is a living process that emerges from what is material and the routinely undertaken activities (tasks) of people and communities, contributing to the transformation of the landscape. Ingold emphasised that the cultural landscape is a process that is not finished and is never fully formed. In Ingold’s analyses, the environment is understood as an all-encompassing context and the landscape as its symbolic representation; a tree has the same meaning for him as a built house – both are elements of the landscape that changes over time. The cultural landscape becomes a record and testimony of the life and work of previous generations who lived in it, consisting of the work of many authors (Ingold).

From a phenomenological point of view, attention is drawn to the fact that landscape is a part of humanity, just as humanity is a part of landscape, to structural links, in which each component is connected with the whole and each other element (Wylie). The division into nature and culture is also rejected.

The phenomenological approach has brought together two ways of presenting landscape: as an image and as an environment, contributing to the dissemination of the notion of the cultural landscape in the sciences, which have so far stressed the aesthetic dimension of the landscape. This is particularly true of environmental aesthetics (Berleant, Carlson), which has adapted the concept of the cultural landscape, also linking it to the concept of the environment. Berleant wrote that culturally transformed landscapes have the same value as natural landscapes, and that each landscape participates in shaping traditions and acquires the characteristics of heritage that we protect in order to be able to pass them on to future generations. John Wylie’s theory of landscaping (analogous to Heidegger’s being in the world), rejecting the division into the environment and man that introduces meaning into it, gives particular importance to the landscape as a process. Cultural studies have also recognised the importance of the cultural landscape concept. According to Pietraszko, the essence of the landscape, and therefore also its concept, should be sought in the space of the human universe. The landscape has an “intersubjective subjectivity”: it expresses itself in individually perceived images, but retains a communicable, intersubjective subjectivity, creating “a special iconic community of human collectivities”.

Other theoretical positions considering the phenomenon of the cultural landscape include Cosgrove’s and Daniels’ approach, who in their book “The Iconography of Landscape” assume that the landscape is a way of seeing and a result of seeing (they come close to understanding the landscape in terms of aesthetics, but at the same time indicate that the landscape is a result of human creativity, not only a physical phenomenon, a kind of cultural representation); Mitchell writing in the spirit of Marxist theory that the basis for the landscape is work, production and practice of everyday life through movement, in which both individual and social meanings are inscribed; Matless, according to whom the landscape establishes relations of power and property as well as moral evaluations; Wylie, for whom any drawing of boundaries between nature and culture (including the natural and cultural landscape) is entangled in politics; post-structuralist theories, in which the landscape becomes a text established in a discourse (Duncan and Duncan); hermeneutical theories, treating the landscape as a dialogue (Green), feminist theories, in which attention is drawn to ideology and power relations (Rose). All these theories emphasise the process-oriented character of the landscape.

Ethnic, identity, national, colonial, gender (Rose) factors are inscribed in the cultural landscape.

[M.G., B.F.].

 

Literature:

Duncan, James I Duncan, Nancy. „ (Re)reading the landscape”. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 6 (1988): 117–126.

Tilley, Christopher. Place, Paths and Monuments: a Phenomenology of Landscape. Oxford: Berg, 1994.

Berleant, Arnold. Living in the Landscape. Toward an Aesthetics of Environment. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1997.

Carlson, Allen. Nature and Landscape: An Introduction to Environmental Aesthetics. New York: Columbia University Press, 2009.

Cosgrove, Denis E. Social Formation and Symbolic Landscape. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1998.

Daniels, Stephen and Cosgrove, Denis E. The Iconography of Landscape. Essays on the Symbolic Representation, Design and Use of Past Environments. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004.

Green, Nicholas. The Spectacle of Nature: Landscape and Bourgeois Culture in 19thCentury France. Manchester: Manchester University Press,1990.

Hoskins, William G. The Making of the English Landscape. London: Penguin, 1985.

Ingold, Tim. „The temporality of the landscape”, “World Archeology”, 1993, vol. 25, 2.

Jackson, John. B. Discovering the Vernacular Landscape. New Haven – London: Yale University Press, 1984.

INDUSTRIAL / POST-INDUSTRIAL LANDSCAPE

INDUSTRIAL/POST-INDUSTRIAL LANDSCAPE

Landscape of civilisation development or degraded natural environment forming part of the cultural landscape. Other name: industrial (post-industrial) or engineering landscape,

 

The industrial landscape was created as a result of the processes of development, settlement and urbanisation, lasting from the Neolithic period to contemporary times. Therefore, it is the result of human activity consisting in urbanisation of areas, exploitation of natural resources and construction of the industrial and road infrastructure. The dominant elements of the industrial landscape are the forms created as a result of landscape exploitation (heaps, quarries, excavations, gravel pits), industrial structures (chimneys, water towers, oil derricks or mining shafts), engineering structures (bridges, embankments, dams, canals, flood banks), municipal infrastructure (power plants, power lines, gas supply facilities, water supply systems), transport infrastructure (railway lines, roads, ports, quarries, depots). This landscape is sometimes negatively perceived by the local population due to the associated interference with the natural landscape, overexploitation of natural resources, degradation and pollution of the environment. The post-industrial landscape is an area where industrial or operational activities have ceased, but where the effects of these activities are still visible in the form of a devastated environment or infrastructure remnants.

The rapid development of the industrial landscape occurred with the advent of the industrial revolution in the nineteenth century. The transformation of the landscape was followed by Hoskins, who has shown how economic development and industrialisation over the centuries changed the natural landscape, introducing foreign forms into it: from windmills and water mills, through mines, to factories and adjoining workers’ housing estates, which over time grew into larger urban complexes. Landscape transformations are continuous, but their evaluation is changing: many buildings previously associated with industrialisation (e.g. windmills) are now regarded as monuments blended into the landscape, while their modern forms (e.g. wind turbines) are perceived as strongly interfering with the landscape.

One of the important reasons for the industrialisation of the landscape was the development of means of transport (railways, cars, airplanes) and the transport infrastructure. Changes in this area improved the movement of people and goods and caused a change in the experience of time and space. In the 19th century, newly built railway lines often crossed attractive scenic areas, demolishing the natural landscape. Contemporary highways (post-humanistic according to Baudrillard) eliminate the old (anthropological) road network, marking out new routes that promote some landscapes and while hiding others. The space itself has been reorganised as a result of changes in the landscape: motorways, petrol stations, airports, parking lots, billboards by the roads make it difficult to distinguish between natural and artificial landscapes.

Over-exploitation, environmental degradation or depletion of natural resources has led to the emergence of a post-industrial landscape over time. It is characterised by changes in the lay of the land in the form of artificial expositions of the soil, excavations or embankments. They are accompanied by often abandoned, mostly devastated architectural infrastructure. The post-industrial landscape can be the object of two types of activities: it is protected as an element of the historical and cultural heritage (by including culturally valuable complexes on the UNESCO heritage list) or it is the subject of reclamation and restoration of the local community (by creating city parks, museums, cultural centres). The tradition of reclamation of post-industrial areas dates back to the 19th century (e.g. Buttes-Chaumont park in Paris was built on the site of an abandoned quarry). Today, similar activities are facilitated by heightened ecological awareness, botanical gardens and environmental education centres (e.g. the Eden Project in Cornwall) are being created in the excavations.

Interest in the industrial landscape is reflected, among others, in post-industrial tourism. Edensor wrote about the post-industrial landscape as degraded architecture, which still has a sensual potential, in the context of ruins. The post-industrial landscape has also become a space for artistic activities, especially in the landart, eco-art, earthwork or art of recovery. Herman Prigann (mines in Germany) and Robert Smithson (mines in the Netherlands) are representatives of post-industrial landscape art. In Poland, one of the first artistic projects in the post-industrial landscape were the activities of Konrad Jarodzki in the Turów Mine in 1971 and Jan Berdyszak on post-mining heaps.

[B .F., M. K.]

 

Literature:

Augé, Marc. Non-Places: An Introduction to Supermodernity. London: Verso, 2009.

Affelt, Waldemar. „Dziedzictwo techniki, jego różnorodność i wartości”. Kurier Konserwatorski 5 (2009): 5-20.

Baudrillard, Jean.  America, London: Verso, 1989.

Edensor, Tim, Industrial Ruins. Space, Aesthetics and Materiality, Oxford-New York: Berg, 2005.

Idziak, Aleksandra, Herman, Krzysztof. „Między kopalnią a krajobrazem. Transformacje sztuki krajobrazu. Instalacje, rzeźba, performance jako formy rekultywacji krajobrazów postindustrialnych”. Prace Komisji Krajobrazu Kulturowego 10 (2008): 386-94.

Jasiuk, Jerzy. „Ochrona zabytków techniki w Polsce – dorobek i potrzeby”. In: Muzea i zabytki techniki w Polsce, ed. Ludwik Morsztynkiewicz. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowo- Techniczne, 1970.

Jędrysiak, Tadeusz. „Turystyka kulturowa w obiektach przemysłowych – zagadnienia ogólne”. Turystyka Kulturowa 6 (2011): 17-35.

Frydryczak, Beata. „Theodor W. Adorno: pojęcie krajobrazu kulturowego”. Estetyka i Krytyka 30 (2013): 43-54.

Hoskins, W.G., The Making of the English Landscape, London: Penguin Books, 2005

Kaczmarska, Anna, Przybyłka, Arkadiusz. „Wykorzystywanie potencjału przemysłowego i poprzemysłowego na potrzeby turystyki. Przykład szlaku zabytków techniki Województwa Śląskiego”. Prace Komisji Krajobrazu Kulturowego 14 (2010): 207-28.

Nita, Jerzy, Myga-Piątek, Urszula. „Krajobrazowe kierunki zagospodarowania terenów pogórniczych”. Przegląd Geologiczny 3 (2006): 256-62.

Ruszkowski, Jacek M. „Elementy krajobrazu przemysłowego czynnikiem destylacji turystycznej regionu. Studium na przykładzie Szlaku Zabytków Techniki Województwa Śląskiego”. Prace Komisji Krajobrazu Kulturowego 14 (2010): 283-95.

HISTORICAL LANDSCAPE

HISTORICAL LANDSCAPE

Spatial arrangement distinguished on the basis of characteristics of the natural and cultural heritage of a specific historical epoch or sequence of these epochs.

 

The natural and cultural elements of the landscape are subject to multidirectional changes, which become more visible in retrospect. Landscape systems such as mountain massifs, valleys and rivers, human settlements and creations have a history, they accumulate, flatten, move, deteriorate and disappear. Both the periodisations cited by the earth sciences and the humanities assign landscapes to places and points in time defined for them. Researchers specialising in tangible elements of the environment reveal successive temporal landscape layers, e.g. palaeoclimatic and archaeological studies investigate the historical landscape of thousands of years ago, while history, ethnography or sociology capture its character in the perspective of a few thousand, hundreds and tens of years.

The dynamics of changes in the cultural landscape are determined by geographical, biological and psychological, economic and cultural, political and military factors. They affect the distribution, development and change of human cultural systems, e.g. through cataclysms. These factors are related to the adaptability or demographic specificity of the community, but also determine the issues of economy and technology, which consequently organise the space and landscape of a given place and period, e.g. stone circles, millers’ windmills, factory chimneys or forts or defensive fortifications.

The historical landscape can be interpreted using the key of horizontal and vertical order. Geography defines its spatial range and functions, e.g. working and manufacturing environments, housing, worship, etc. Archaeology and geology, on the other hand, reach further, overlapping layers of historical landscapes, which, as a result of succession, have passed away, although they have retained a certain specificity that allows them to be distinguished from each other, e.g. traces of several successive settlements or cultures. It also happens that the passage of time influences the change of landscape and at the same time the incorporation of elements of its earlier variants. It is then possible to speak of the multi-layered character of the landscape, the layers of which overlap and thus blur, so it is appropriate to speak of it as a palimpsest.

The historical landscape should be linked to categories such as genius loci and auraticity (Benjamin), which, due to their material, social, cultural and aesthetic qualities, give the landscape an emotional or even sacral dimension. As such, it provides a framework for various social practices, is experienced and participates in the processes of embodiment of knowledge. It can be subject to both distancing and abstraction in the processes of semiotisation where it is elevated to the rank of a sign.

The historical landscape reflects the aura of its time to varying degrees, which is why we can speak of a hierarchy of such landscapes and activities, often institutionalised in the form of legal acts (e.g. the European Landscape Convention) and programmes (e.g. the British Historic Landscape Characterisation), aimed at protecting their original shape through preservation, conservation and restoration.

The historical landscape is an element of the cultural heritage. As such, it is an important reference system for many, often conflicting, groups and communities. Social memory is connected with identity, because it influences, but also results from belonging to specific groups – local, linguistic, religious, national, and so on. Building an identity based on the relation to the landscape entails the decision to protect or try to reconstruct some aspects of the historical landscape at the expense of other, less convenient for a specific concept of identity. Historical landscapes strengthen the sense of group affiliation, pride or injustice and may provide a reference framework for current and future political action (conflict between Greeks and Macedonians over Macedonia’s heritage). Pierre Nora calls landscapes relating to the creation of a sense of identity memorial sites, although these are not always specific physical sites. A similar intuition, although in relation to specific material spaces is reflected in the term mnemotopos created by Mauric Halbwachs.

The historical landscape is valued for its aesthetic aspect. It influences the valorisation and hierarchisation of landscapes, comparing, breaking off or recalling old tendencies, e.g. neoclassicism or neo-gothic style. When assessed, the aesthetic qualities of the historical landscape are related to ethical issues. Beauty or originality may be secondary to the nature of the foundation act, e.g. violence against an ethnic group or criticism of perception, which is always historicised and connected with politics, e.g. imperial ideology. The aesthetics of ugliness, misery or magnificent ruins can support a sense of locality and patriotism, an idea of injustice and a difficult road to success, greatness in the past and hope for a great future.

The historical landscape may be linked to alternative history and fictionality. Historic landscapes of New Zealand or Tunisia, as culturally distant and unknown, have been used in film productions such as The Lord of the Rings and Star Wars as stage set frames to render the stories told probable.

[Ł. P.]

 

Literature:

Assmann, Jan. Das kulturelle Gedächtnis Schrift, Erinnerung und politische Identität in frühen Hochkulturen, München: C.H. Beck, 2018.

Bender, Barbara. Subverting the Western Gaze: mapping alternative worlds. In: Ucko, P.J. Layton R. (eds.), The Archaeology and Anthropology of Landscape. Shaping your landscape, London: Routledge, 1999.

Chmielewski, Tadeusz J., Myga-Piątek, Urszula, Solon, Jerzy. „Typologia aktualnych krajobrazów Polski”. Przegląd Geograficzny 87:3 (2015): 377–408.

Claval, Paul. Changing Conceptions of Heritage and Landscape. In: Heritage, Memory and the Politics of Identity. New Perspectives on the Cultural Landscape,        Yvonne Whelan & Niamh Moore (eds.). Burlington: Ashgate, 2007.

Frydryczak, Beata. Krajobraz. In: Modi memorandi: leksykon kultury pamięci, Magdalena Saryusz-Wolska i Robert Traba (eds.). Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar, 2014.

Ingold, Timothy, Landscape or Weather -World?. In: Ingold Timothy, Being Alive. Essays on

Movement, Knowledge and Description. London-New York: Routledge, 2011.

Kolen, Jan, Renes Hans, Hermans Rita. Landscape biographies: geographical, historical and archaeological perspectives on the production and transmission of landscapes. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2015.

Mitchell, William J.T. Imperial Landscape. In: William J.T Mitchell, Landscape and Power. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002.

Myga-Piątek Urszula. Historia, metody i źródła badań krajobrazu kulturowego. In: Struktura przestrzenno-funkcjonalna krajobrazu, Adolf Szponar, Sylwia Horska-Schwarz (eds.). Wrocław: Uniwersytet Wrocławski, 2005.

Vincenz, Stanisław. Krajobraz jako tło dziejów. In: Po stronie pamięci. Paryż – Kraków: Instytut Książki,  2016.

Yao Yifeng. Nanjing: Historical Landscape and Its Planning from Geographical Perspective. Singapore: Springer Singapore,  2016.

AESTHETIC LANDSCAPE

AESTHETIC LANDSCAPE

The landscape of nature or culture, given in aesthetic experience and subject to evaluation from the point of view of aesthetic categories.

 

The aesthetic landscape is given in multisensory experience, but Western tradition perceives it primarily as a visual phenomenon revealed in visual experience (view). The aesthetic landscape examines the aesthetics of the landscape.

From the standpoint of the history of culture, the perception of the landscape is considered to be a modern achievement of the Renaissance period. In the history of aesthetics, it is recognised that separating the landscape as a phenomenon became along with the Renaissance discovery of the aesthetic quality of nature and its beauty. It is assumed that Petrarca was the first to praise the charms of landscapes, although the actual contribution to their discovery belongs to Renaissance artists, which is related to the search for an ideal perspective, as well as the development of landscape painting, subordinating the perception of the landscape to the principles of painting composition, capturing the view in actual or imagined frames and perceiving through paintings.

Aesthetics recognised the importance of the landscape as a phenomenon at the turn of the 18th and 19th century, along with the development of natural aesthetics and recognition of the superiority of natural beauty over the beauty of art. English aestheticians, from Shaftesbury to empirics such as Addison, Pope, Hutcheson and others, as well as Burke, who analysed the notion of sublimity, introducing it to the aesthetic discourse as the second (besides beauty) aesthetic category characteristic of natural phenomena, made a major contribution to this field. Gilpin also contributed to the development of landscape aesthetics and at the same time to the aesthetic concept of landscape by distinguishing the picturesque as the third aesthetic category assigned to the landscape.

In the concept of Kant, the same features that characterise beauty are associated with the landscape: selflessness, nonconceptualism, distancing, contemplative reflection. The idea of selfless viewing, proposed by Shaftesbury, allows one to admire the views without penetrating their essence and focus only on the aesthetic qualities. The role of the dominant sense in our contact with nature is given to the eye, which leads to people being moved to a safe distance, a distance from which they can admire the views, but do not have to participate in the element of nature other than visually. Distance and selfless contemplation mean that landscape experience is not about the directness of experience, but about the activity of our imagination which, as such, places what is directly given into its own framework. When looking at the views, they take on the qualities of the landscape.

Gilpin and Price associated the landscape with the notion of time and the picturesque category, pointing to the formal features of what manifests itself and expresses itself in the passage of time, and pointing to the transformation of beauty into picturesqueness. Adorno, in turn, linked the landscape with history and memory.

Only in the reflections of Simmel (1913) and Ritter (1966) did the aesthetic landscape undergo a fundamental conceptualisation. Simmel put forward the thesis that nature itself is not yet a landscape and that the landscape does not exist by itself. Rivers, lakes, mountains, forests and vast plains are not a landscape as such. In order for a landscape to appear, it takes the presence of the viewer, and his aesthetic experience of a specific view. It is the moment of separating a view, placing it “in the frame of a momentary or constant field of vision” and giving it a meaning. Looking at “trees, streams, crowds, crops, the play of light and clouds”, we do not yet look at the landscapes, but rather distinguish the details – the “material” that makes up the individual views. According to Simmel, landscape is a spiritual creation, it belongs to the viewer, who gives form to a separate fragment of the external world, complements it with a sense and meaning. In this sense, the landscape is a construction of an individual who perceives the external world and casts upon it an aesthetic look. This means that nature becomes the landscape when it becomes present in the eyes of an observer who experiences it and feels it in an aesthetic way. Thus, the landscape experience is by its nature visual, belonging to the subject and not to nature as such, in the sense that it expresses itself directly in visual perception. The pictorial way of seeing projected onto the outside world allows us to see not space but images in it. This kind of frame becomes a form of stopping, freezing that which is living, fluid, subject to eternal changes.

Recognition that a condition of the aesthetic landscape is a distanced attitude of the viewer, determines the role and attitude of the viewer, which means that those who actively participate in the physical dimension of the landscape by co-creating it are excluded from perceiving, experiencing and feeling it: one cannot see the beauty of nature, which one uses and one cannot feel its sensual qualifies when trying to control it. The aesthetic landscape does not reveal itself where nature has any utility value.

[B. F., M. S.]

 

Literature:

Frydryczak, Beata. Krajobraz. Od estetyki the picturesque do doświadczenia topograficznego. Poznań: Wydawnictwo PTPN, 2013.

Kant, Immanuel. Kritik der Urteilskraft, hrsg. von H.F. Klemme. Hamburg: Meiner, 2001.

Morawski, Stefan. Studia z historii myśli estetycznej XVIII i XIX w. Warszawa: PWN, 1961.

Ritter J., Landschaft: zur Funktion des Ästhetischen in der modernen Gesellschaft, Münster: Aschendorff Verlag, 1963.

Simmel, Georg. Philosophie der Landschaft. In: Brücke und Tor. Stuttgart, 1957.

 

 

ARCHAEOLOGICAL LANDSCAPE

ARCHAEOLOGICAL LANDSCAPE

A type of landscape the shape of which is the result of past human use and habitation.

 

The archaeological landscape is the subject of landscape archaeology, an interdisciplinary branch of contemporary archaeology. The study of archaeological landscape involves the integration of studies of material culture and studies of space, often approached from the non-physical side. Landscape studies in archaeology involve the tools of humanities and sciences, utilising the achievements of such disciplines as ecology, geography, anthropology, sociology, philosophy, geophysics, computer science.

Several leading currents can be distinguished within landscape archaeology. Geographical methods are particularly popular in archaeological landscape research, an example of which is the popularity of the Geographic Information System (GIS). The GIS allows the collection of two types of data: spatial and descriptive. The sources of archaeological GIS data are maps, plans, aerial and terrestrial photographs, satellite images or aerial 3D scans, as well as surveying data: levelling measurements used in excavation and non-invasive research; the GIS in archaeology is connected with the use of complex and multifactorial analyses and extensive spatial statistics, analysis of three-dimensional computer simulations, thanks to which past phenomena are explained; in addition, landscape analysis with the help of the GIS supports the process of archaeological heritage management (Zapłata, Borowski). Scientific research on the archaeological landscape also draws on archaeological sub-disciplines such as archaeobotany and archaeozoology. Thanks to the examination of the remains of flora (archaeobotany) and fauna (archaeozoology) from the past, it is possible to reconstruct the past landscape more precisely (Kołodziejczyk, Kwiatkowska-Kopka). Landscape archaeological studies use a number of humanistic theories, such as anthropology and phenomenology of space (Tilley, Ingold, Cameron-Daum) or social theories such as Marxism and feminism (McAnany).

The variety of fields of study in landscape archaeology is partly due to the history of this sub-discipline. Landscaping is traditionally associated with process and post-processual archaeology, which have developed since the 1970s. However, the genealogy of the landscape approach in archaeology and the reflection on the archaeological landscape can be identified as early as in the 17th century, in the methodology of the British antiquarian William Stukeley, whose observations made during sightseeing tours laid the foundations for surface prospecting and drew attention to the role of a detailed field survey (Schnapp). The development of aerial photography was another important stage in the formulation of methods used in archaeological landscape research. It improved significantly during the First and Second World Wars, and then contributed to the improvement of the aerial archaeological reconnaissance technique. Aerial prospecting became the basis for the formulation of settlement models, which were presented with pleasure by archaeologists in the middle of the 20th century. The authors of settlement models based on the analysis of aerial photographs included Julian Steward and Gordon R. Willey. In the 1970s, with the development of the geophysical prospection and the growing popularity of the GIS system, specialised landscape archaeology began to be distinguished as a sub-discipline of archaeology dealing with the study of past spaces. Landscape archaeology in the 1970s was focused on in-depth geographical and geophysical studies aimed at identifying traces of past cultures in the landscape found by the researcher. Like other currents of process archaeology, landscape archaeology was heavily criticised in the 1990s. This criticism was aimed at an excessive focus on research tools (the use of satellite images and the GIS) and neglecting the main research objective of reconstructing the role that man played in landscape shaping in the past. The post-processual approach in archaeology promoted another model of landscape archaeology: interdisciplinary research, emphasising the sensuality of the landscape and studies contributing to the reconstruction of the past human environment. Currently, within the framework of archaeological landscape research, a synergic and interdisciplinary approach is being promoted, in which both the results of scientific research and the results of humanities research are being used.

[M. St.]

 

Literature:

Kołodziejczyk, Piotr, Kwiatkowska-Kopka, Beata (ed.) Landscape in the Past & Forgotten Landscapes. Cracow: Institute of Archaeology and Institute of Landscape Architecture, 2016.

Fleming, Andrew. „Post-processual landscape archaeology: A critique”. Cambridge Archaeological Journal 16(3) (2006): 267-280.

Iwaniszewski, Stanisław. „Archeologia krajobrazu”. In: Przeszłość społeczna. Próba konceptualizacji, ed. Stanisław Tabaczyński, Arkadiusz Marciniak, Dorota Cyngot, Anna Zalewska, 284-291. Poznań: Wydawnictwo Poznańskie, 2012.

Johnson, Matthew H. „Phenomenological Approaches in Landscape Archaeology”. Annual Review of Anthropology 41(1) (2012): 269-284.

McAnany Patricia A. Living with Ancestors. Kinship and Kingship in Ancient Maya Society. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013.

Schnapp, Alain. The Discovery of the Past: the Origins of Archaeology. London: The British Museum Press, 1996.

Tilley, Christopher. A Phenomenology of Landscape: Places, Paths and Monuments. Oxford: Berg, 1997.

Tilley, Christopher. The Materiality of Stone: Explorations in Landscape Phenomenology. Oxford: Berg, 2004.

Tilley, Christopher, Cameron-Daum, Kate. An Anthropology of Landscape. London: UCL Press, 2017.

Zapłata, Rafał, Borowski, Michał. „GIS w archeologii – przykład prospekcji i inwentaryzacji dziedzictwa archeologiczno-przemysłowego”. Rocznik Geomatyki 11/4 (2013): 103-114.

COUNTRY

COUNTRY

A territory defined in geographical, cultural and economic terms, less frequently in political terms, distinguished because of some specific features that make up its identity; in political terms, it is sometimes identified with the state.

 

In geographical terms, the notion refers to a specific geographical location (e.g. Poland is a country between the Bug and the Oder, the Baltic Sea and the Tatras), terrain, climatic conditions. In cultural terms, the word “country” refers to the population of a territory that manages it in its own way through the type of economy used, organisation of space, buildings, use of the environment, cuisine, values, laws and customs, religion including ritual and rite, language, cultural distinctiveness expressed in tradition and folklore, linguistic or dialectal specificity. The term remains semantically close to the following notions: land (e.g. Polish land, foreign land), homeland (when used in relation to one’s own country), fatherland (country as a cultural and material heritage), place (understood in terms of residence).

A specific ideology is often built around the notion of “country” which finds expression in patriotic attitudes, sense of identity with a given territory, cultivation of tradition. This ideology is influenced, among others, by the mythology and history of the population living in a given country (including memory and its specific interpretation).

[M. G.]

 

Literature:

Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, London: Verso, 1983.

Cresswell, Tim. Place: a Short Introduction. Malden-Oxford-Carlton: Blackwell Publishing, 2004.
Entrikin, J. Nicholas. The Betweeness of Place: Towards a Geography of Modernity. London: Macmilian, 1991.

Giddens, Anthony. Runaway World: How Globalization is Reshaping Our Lives. London: Profile, 1999.
Harvey, David. Justice, Nature and the Geography of Difference. Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers, 1996.
Livingstone, David N. Science, Space and Hermeneutics, The Hettner Lectures 2001. Heidelberg: University of Heidelberg, 2002.

Paasi Anassi. „Place and Region: Regional Worlds and Words”. Progress in Human Geography 26 (2002): 802-811.

Relph, Edward. Place and Placelessness. London: Pion Limited, 1976.

LAND

LAND
An area characterised by relative geographical homogeneity and the features of the natural environment or the history of its inhabitants and/or social, cultural and economic phenomena.

 

A geographical land is distinguished on the basis of its specific geographical location (e.g. Northern Arctic Circle, equatorial tropical forests), terrain (e.g. High Tatras), climatic and microclimatic factors (e.g. Suwałki Lake District as the Polish “cold pole”, Pomerania distinguished due to the presence of iodine), occurrence or non-existence of a specific flora or fauna (e.g. Błędowska Desert, Białowieża Primeval Forest as the European bison territory).

The term “historical land” is used to describe an area defined on the basis of the specific history of its inhabitants, the linguistic distinctiveness of indigenous peoples (e.g. Silesia, Kashubia), religious reasons (e.g. Włodawa Lake District with traces of Christianity, Judaism, Orthodoxy and Islam), ethnic reasons (e.g. Podlasie inhabited by Lithuanian Tatars influencing the cultural specificity of this land), economic reasons (e.g. Upper Silesia with heavy industry).

One and the same land can be classified as both geographical and historical (e.g. Żuławy Wiślane is characterised by specific history related to the Dutch and German settlers, as well as natural values resulting from its location in the area of a geographical depression; the Kłodzko Land is characterised by, for example, springs, the Śnieżnik Massif or Góry Stołowe, while culturally and historically it remains related to Bohemia). The boundaries between lands have the character of a transition zone, in which the characteristics of one land gradually disappear in favour of the neighbouring land (which distinguishes it from region whose borders are sometimes administratively established).

[M. G.]

 

Literature:
Kondracki, Jerzy. Geografia regionalna Polski. Warszawa: PWN, 2002.

Kondracki, Jerzy. „Regiony fizycznogeograficzne Polski”. Poznaj Świat 4 (1964).

Manczak, Iryna. „Atrakcyjność turystyczna polskich regionów na Facebooku”. Rozprawy Naukowe Akademii Wychowania Fizycznego we Wrocławiu 50 (2015): 117-128.

CONTEMPLATION / ENGAGEMENT

CONTEMPLATION/ENGAGEMENT

Contradictory (but not exclusive) attitudes describing two different ways of experiencing the landscape. Contemplation is connected with the idea of selfless viewing, visual experience, observation and situating oneself outside the landscape; involvement entails an active attitude, multi-sensory experience of the landscape as a process, being in the landscape.

 

Contemplation is closer to an aesthetic experience and is related to the aesthetic landscape, while engagement is a topographical experience (and therefore geographical and anthropological) and is linked to the cultural landscape.

Contemplation and engagement are also terms referring to different epistemological approaches. Contemplation is linked to traditional epistemology, where the subject and the object remain separate, the observer and the object of observation (contemplation) are clearly defined. The intellectual background of the contemplative attitude is based on the Kantian idea of selflessness, European visucentric approach and the eighteenth-century disputes over the aesthetics of nature, sublimity and picturesqueness. Lowenthal points out that contemplation as a kind of experience stems from the centuries-old European tradition of looking at the landscape as an aesthetic view, to which travel and the development of landscape painting have also contributed. Contemplation as a type of experience means a model of experience in which, by virtue of its theme or composition, the world of nature is perceived as a scene and a view.

Engagement is combined with hermeneutical experience and phenomenological landscape theory, in which there is no clear boundary between the subject and the object of cognition, and the observer is at the same time experiencing cognition. Contemplation as an act of aesthetic perception transforms the view and nature into a landscape, while in the process of engagement the landscape becomes an inhabited place which is subject to natural processes and human activities.

Contemplation of the view and engagement in the landscape correspond to two different types of experience: panoramic look (emphasising the aesthetic dimension of the landscape, the attitude of the wanderer and tourist) and topographic experience (emphasising the processual nature of the landscape, processes related to the movement of people, settlement of new territories, the attitude of the inhabitant). As a consequence, contemplation requires an emotional and physical distance, while engagement requires “entering” the landscape. Contemplation means admiring the views, engagement indicates participation (Rees). To contemplate a view means to experience it in a way that is close to the reception of a work of art. Becoming engaged in the landscape means dealing with nature, with the elements, overcoming them. Engagement in the landscape can also be understood as a bodily immersion, as a result of which man and the landscape form a continuum. From this perspective, the natural landscape of man is the “engagement landscape” and the “observation landscape” (i.e. landscape understood as a view) is a construct created by modern Western culture (Berleant).

Contemplation does not occur where nature is perceived through the prism of its utility values. Emerson notes that we can’t enjoy the landscape if people work in a nearby field, Raymond Williams notes that a working village is rarely a landscape, and John Barrell claims that in tourist destinations and attractive landscapes, workers remain hidden in invisible places so as not to spoil the tourists’ philosophical contemplation of the beauty of nature.

Engagement is an attitude that stems from a real identification of problems, an attitude of an inhabitant living in a specific environment, for whom the attitude towards the area, places and surroundings is determined by: utility conditions, memory, attachment, tradition, as well as landscape values. Each attitude sets off a different set of values. Engagement locates our “being” in a specific place, while we contemplate spaces where we remain temporarily, during holidays or hikes in the mountains.

Summarising the aesthetic attitude in the perception of reality, Ritter wrote that in order for nature to transform itself into a landscape, the attitude of a contemplative and uninvolved observer is necessary. This approach is criticised by phenomenologists as not authentic. Representatives of this methodology focus on the ecological condition of the landscape, suitability for settlement, social health and historical authenticity (Lowenthal), and treat any mention of beauty as a distraction from the serious issue of the functioning of landscape and nature. Ingold writes that landscape appears only where there is engagement connected with habitation, which, in his theory, takes the form of a landscape that is inflicted. Assunto adds that as soon as a person starts to feel part of the landscape, they begin to feel part of it and cease to feel like a spectator, they move a reflexive judgment from aesthetics to the level of teleology. In the course of contemplation, the world appears to man as an end in itself and not as an effect of some cause or a means to achieve an end. Action means destroying nature as an object of aesthetic contemplation, i.e. as a landscape.

What unites the two attitudes is, first of all, the fact that they both relate to the relationship between man and space (landscape, nature), both of which also require the presence of the experiencing subject. They can also be treated as complementary if contemplation turns into engagement (a place visited as a tourist becomes the place of residence).

[M. G.]

 

Literature:

Assunto, Rosario. La natura come peasaggio e la libertá dell’ uomo. In: Il paesaggio

e l’estetica,  Palermo: Novecento, 2005.

Barrell, John. The Dark Side of the Landscape: The Rural Poor in English Painting, 1730-1840. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980.

Bearlant, Arnold. Living in the Landscape. Toward the Aesthetics of Environment. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1997.

Berleant, Arnold. The Aesthetics of Environment. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992.

Carlson, Allen. Nature and Landscape: An Introduction to Environmental Aesthetics. New York: Columbia University Press, 2009.

Cosgrove, Denis. Vision and Geography. Seeing, Imagining and Representing the World. London – New York: I.B. Tauris, 2010.

Emerson, Ralph W. Nature, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004.

Frydryczak, Beata, Krajobraz. Od estetyki the picturesque do doświadczenia topograficznego, Poznań: Wydawnictwo PTPN, 2012.

Ingold, Tim. The Perception of the Environment. Essay of Livelihood, Dwelling and Skill. London – New York: Routledge, 2000.

Lowenthal, David. Living With and Looking at Landscape, “Landscape Research” 5, 2007.

Rees, Ronald. „The Taste for Mountain Scenery”. History Today 25 (1975), 305-312.

Ritter, Joachim. Landschaft: zur Funktion des Ästhetischen in der modernen Gesellschaft, Münster: Aschendorff Verlag, 1963.

Williams, Raymond. The Country and the City. London: Chatto and Windus, 1973.

UNESCO CONVENTIONS

UNESCO CONVENTIONS

A number of legal acts of UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation) concerning the world’s tangible and intangible heritage and its legal and institutionalised protection.

 

Among the UNESCO Conventions dedicated to the protection of heritage, it is worth noting:

  1. Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict (The Hague 1954);
  2. Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export and Transport of Ownership of Cultural Property (Paris 1970);
  3. Convention concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage (Paris 1972);
  4. Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (Paris 2001);
  5. Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (Paris 2003);
  6. UNESCO Declaration concerning the Intentional Destruction of Cultural Heritage (Paris 2003);
  7. UNESCO Recommendation on the Historic Urban Landscape (2011).

One of the main legal acts of UNESCO is the 1972 Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage, which obliges signatory states to identify, protect, preserve, restore and pass on to future generations the cultural and natural heritage. The  provisions of the Convention are the result of a perceived threat to the cultural and natural heritage due to social and economic transformations, among other things. It is recognised that some of the cultural and natural heritage assets are of exceptional importance as part of the world heritage and that their damage or destruction constitutes impoverishment of the world heritage.

The Convention defines cultural heritage as monuments (architecture, sculpture, painting, archaeology, etc.) and complexes (architectural and landscape) of general importance from the point of view of history, art or science. It also formulates a definition of a historical site as a work of man or a joint work of man and nature, having universal value from the historical, aesthetic, ethnological or anthropological point of view. The document also defines the scope of the term ‘natural heritage’, which includes natural monuments created by physical and biological formations, geological and physiographic formations as zones hosting endangered animal and plant species, and places or natural zones with delimited boundaries, characterised by natural beauty. Natural heritage represents a common scientific or aesthetic value.

The “World Heritage Committee” was established under the auspices of UNESCO and universal heritage protection was established, among others, by including monuments on the UNESCO World Heritage List.

[M. K.]

Literature:

“Convention for the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage, accessed on 6 March 2017.

http://www.unesco.pl/fileadmin/user_upload/pdf/Convention_o_protection_world_health.pdf.

“Convention for the Protection of the Intangible Cultural Heritage”, accessed March 4, 2017. http://prawo.sejm.gov.pl/isap.nsf/download.xsp/WDU20111721018/O/D20111018.pdf

“Polish Committee for UNESCO”, accessed April 16, 2017. http://www.unesco.pl/kultura/dziedzictwo-kulturowe/dziedzictwo-niematerialne/.

Zalasińska, Katarzyna. „Ochrona miejsc światowego dziedzictwa w prawie polskim – plan naprawczy”. Ochrona Zabytków 65 (2012): 127-134.

Zeidler, Kamil. Prawo ochrony dziedzictwa kultury. Warszawa: Wolters Kluwer, 2007.

CHARTER OF THE NEW URBANISM

CHARTER OF THE NEW URBANISM

A document adopted in 1996 in Charleston, USA, which is a record of the assumptions of the so-called New Urbanism, critical of the urban policy in force in American cities. Another name: New Urbanism Program Charter.

 

Proponents of New Urbanism pointed to a number of issues of urban policy in the United States: underinvestment in downtown areas, dispersion of buildings, environmental degradation, shrinking agricultural and open areas. The New Urbanism Movement advocated the revitalisation of urban centres and cities in metropolitan regions, the modification of scattered suburban buildings into neighbourhood communities, and the protection of the environment and the cultural heritage. Attention was drawn to the existing diversity of neighbourhoods in terms of their functions, the need to design space with the residents’ communities in mind and taking into account the important role of public transport and pedestrian traffic.

The Charter of the New Urbanism refers to social policy, development practice and general design principles, which, according to its provisions, should be adapted to the identified types of areas, i.e.: 1) region: metropolis, large and small town; 2) district, zone and corridor; 3) quarter, street, building. According to the definition in the Charter of the New Urbanism, a metropolitan region is an area with defined geographical boundaries, defined by topography, watersheds, coastlines, regional parks, agricultural areas and river basins. A metropolitan area is made up of many centres, which are large and small towns and villages, which have their own centres and borders, and which remain in a relationship with the agricultural areas and the natural landscape. The most important elements of the development and transformation of the metropolis are the district, zone and corridor. The district should be compact and pedestrian-friendly; zones must be designed according to district-specific rules; corridors provide links within the region between districts and zones. Street grids, in turn, should be designed to encourage pedestrian traffic, reduce car transport, reduce travel time and reduce energy consumption. In the Charter of the New Urbanism, public transport is treated as an alternative to cars, the use of which should be limited in favour of pedestrians and cyclists (e.g. stations and public transport stops should be located a short distance from buildings). Various green areas must be established in the districts, such as playgrounds, public gardens or sports fields.

The Charter of the New Urbanism also defines the impact of architecture on urban space: architectural designs should fit in with their surroundings and take into account local topography, history or building tradition. Newly created squares and streets are to be safe, and buildings should reflect the character and atmosphere of the place. Streets, which encourage pedestrian traffic, are intended to encourage people-to-people contacts and social integration.

The Charter of the New Urbanism is not a legally binding document and serves only to promote specific strategies and visions relating to urban space. [M. K., B. F., M. S.]

Literature:

Bradecki, Tomasz, Twardoch, Agata. Współczesne kierunki kształtowania zabudowy mieszkaniowej. Gliwice: Wydawnictwo Politechniki Śląskiej, 2013.

„Karta Nowej Urbanistyki”, access 17 April 2017.

https://www.cnu.org/sites/default/files/cnucharter_polish.pdf.

Kubicki, Paweł. Wynajdywanie miejskości. Polska kwestia miejska z perspektywy długiego trwania. Kraków: Nomos, 2017.

Montgomery, Charles. Happy City: Transforming Our Lives Through Urban Design, New York  Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2013.

Sarzyński, Piotr. „Architektura sięga po średniowiecze. Wraca nowe”. Polityka 37 (2015): 92-5.

 

LEIPZIG CHARTER

LEIPZIG CHARTER

A document of the European Union Member States on sustainable European cities signed in Leipzig in 2007, setting out common principles and strategies for urban development policy.

 

The Leipzig Charter makes a number of recommendations and guidelines necessary to implement sustainable development based on the traditional European polycentric model of the city, taking into account economic prosperity, social balance and a healthy environment. In the spirit of the slogan, Europe needs cities and regions which are strong and good to live in, the Leipzig Charter calls for the implementation of strategies and actions to maintain social balance within and between cities, cultural diversity and high quality standards in design, architecture and the environment. The main concern is the social, cultural and urban development of cities in two dimensions: a narrower one, referring to the city itself, and a wider one, referring to the region, in which the city retains the role of an integrating and development-stimulating factor.

The Leipzig Charter establishes three basic strategies:

  1. Creation and provision of high quality public spaces, which – as “soft location factors” – contribute to the development of tourism and industrialisation. The role of public spaces as man-made urban landscapes for the living conditions of residents was emphasised. The document introduces the concept of “building culture” understood as the sum of all cultural, economic, technological, social and ecological aspects influencing the planning and construction process. Concern for the preservation of the architectural heritage was expressed.
  2. Modernisation of the infrastructure networks and improvement of energy efficiency. This element of the strategy relates to urban transport, technical infrastructure of cities and municipal services with regard to the improvement of thermal insulation of housing. The document also raises the issue of climate change and the reduction of CO2 emissions in order to protect the environment and the quality of life.
  3. Active innovation and education policy. As part of this strategy, the city is perceived as a centre for the creation and transfer of knowledge (know-how), which depends on the level and development of education at each level (from kindergarten to university) and cooperation between industry and the scientific community. This strategy promotes social and intercultural dialogue.

The Leipzig Charter pays special attention to the poorest districts, proposing solutions to improve the quality of life and equal opportunities for their inhabitants. The Charter calls for a social inclusion policy that aims to ensure safety in cities by reducing inequalities and preventing social exclusion. The strategies adopted aim to improve the situation of the poorest neighbourhoods, taking into account local social, economic, educational and cultural needs. The tools for making the necessary changes are education of children and young people, efficient public transport and social housing policy.

The provisions of the Leipzig Charter refer to pan-European values, but place the emphasis on the development of urban policy at national and regional level. [B. F.]

Literature:

„Karta Lipska na rzecz zrównoważonego rozwoju miast europejskich”, access 2 February 2018. http://www.sarp.org.pl/pliki/karta_lipska_pl.pdf.

 

MALTA CONVENTION (VALLETTA TREATY)

MALTA CONVENTION

Convention for the Protection of the Archaeological Heritage of Europe (revised), done at Valletta, on 16 January 1992.

 

A European legal act open for signature, currently signed by 45 countries, including Poland (ratified by Poland on 13 December 1995). It replaces the European Convention for the Protection of the Archaeological Heritage signed in London on 6 May 1969. It is based on a modern legal interpretation (Trzciński) and is based on the Charter for the Protection and Management of the Archaeological Heritage, i.e. the Lausanne Charter, which governs archaeological practice (in particular excavation issues) and was adopted by ICOMOS in 1990. The main term of the Malta Convention is “archaeological heritage” described in Article 1 as ” all remains and objects and any other traces of mankind from past epochs, the preservation and study of which help to retrace the history of mankind and its relation with the natural environment; for which excavations or discoveries and other methods of research into mankind and the related environment are the main sources of information and which  are located in any area within the jurisdiction of the Parties“.

The other articles of the Convention are dedicated to the identification of the heritage and measures for protection (Articles 2 to 4), integrated conservation of archaeological heritage (Article 5), financing of archaeological research and conservation (Article 6), collection and dissemination of scientific information (Articles 7 to 8), promotion of public awareness (Article 9), prevention of illicit circulation of elements of the archaeological heritage (Articles 10 to 11), mutual technical and scientific assistance (Article 12), control of the application of the Convention (Article 13) and final clauses (Articles 14 to 18). The Malta Convention is written in the spirit of sustainable development, promotes a participatory model in the protection and care of the archaeological heritage, and emphasises the importance of education and dissemination of archaeology. Archaeological sites are defined in it as a non-renewable resource (Gutowska, Kobyliński), subject to special protection.

The tools developed in order to protect the heritage are, among others: emphasis on conducting rescue research; standardisation of the practice of archaeological research on investment projects; introduction of commercial and contractual archaeology in order to save as many archaeological sites as possible; dissemination of knowledge about archaeology.

[M. St.]

 

Literature:

European Convention for the Protection of the Archaeological Heritage (revised), done at La Valetta on 16 January 1992. (Journal of Laws of 1996, No. 120, item 564, the so-called Malta Convention).

Gutowska, Krystyna, Kobyliński, Zbigniew. „Zarządzanie dziedzictwem kulturowym: nowa dziedzina nauczania akademickiego i badań naukowych”. Mazowsze. Studia Regionalne 6 (2011): 51-72.

Trzciński, Maciej. „O potrzebach zmian systemu ochrony dziedzictwa archeologicznego”. W: Kultura w praktyce. Zagadnienia prawne, t. 2, red. Alicja Jagielska-Burduk, Wojciech Szafrański,  225-243. Poznań: Poznańskie Towarzystwo Przyjaciół Nauk, 2013.

Zeidler, Kamil, Trzciński, Maciej. Wykład prawa dla archeologów. Warszawa: Oficyna Wolters Kulwer, 2009.

FLORENCE CHARTER

FLORENCE CHARTER

A document regulating the rules of maintenance, conservation, restoration and reconstruction of historic gardens adopted by the ICOMOS-ISLA International Committee for Historic Gardens in 1981 in Florence as an addendum to the Venice Charter.

 

Provisions of the Florence Charter apply both to small gardens and large parks seen as inalienable elements of the urban or rural environment. The Florence Charter defines the term “historic garden” as an architectural and horticultural composition of interest to the public. Its components include: its plan and topography, its vegetation, including its species, its structural and decorative features, its water, running or still. Since the Florence Charter considers vegetation to be the basic building material of the garden, the garden is referred to as a “living monument”, which has consequences for its restoration methods.  Maintenance and conservation are primarily related to vegetation: trees, shrubs, plants and flowers should be planted taking into account natural and cultural zones. The Florence Charter prohibits any activity that would have a negative impact on environmental sustainability. The document also regulates conservation practices related to architectural and decorative features, recommending respect for their matter, form and location. All protective measures, especially restoration and recreation, must be preceded by thorough scientific analyses, including archaeological analyses.

The document also defines the use of historic gardens as a space for viewing and sightseeing, taking into account the risk of destruction, degradation or degeneration. The garden is to be an oasis of peace and quiet, a space conducive to the cultivation of social relations and recreation. The Florence Charter recognises the possibility of creating recreational areas in close proximity to the garden. The document also includes regulations concerning legal protection and administration of historic gardens. It is the responsibility of the authorities to identify, inventory or secure gardens and to consult experts on these activities. The authorities are responsible for putting in place the financial resources that allow maintenance, restoration and reconstruction of the gardens. An important role in the protection of historic gardens is played by an appropriate education system and professional care of specialists: historians, architects, landscape architects, gardeners and botanists. The Florence Charter emphasises the need to promote the cultural heritage of historic gardens.

[B. F., M. S.]

 

Literature:

Bogdanowski, Janusz. Polskie ogrody ozdobne: historia i problemy rewaloryzacji. Warszawa: Arkady, 2000.

Majdecki, Longin. Ochrona i konserwacja zabytkowych założeń ogrodowych. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN 1993.

“International IFLA-ICOMOS Historic Gardens Charter”, access 16 April 2017. http://www.nid.pl/upload/iblock/9b1/9b13bc019894c7975620590ae56f9641.pdf.

Rylke, Jan. Wartości starych parków. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Szkoły Głównej Gospodarstwa Wiejskiego – Akademia Rolnicza, 1987.

Zachariasz, Agata. „Zabytkowe ogrody – problemy rewaloryzacji, utrzymania i zarządzania w świetle zaleceń Karty Florenckiej”. Prace Komisji Krajobrazu Kulturowego 10 (2008): 150-161.

Zalasińska, Katarzyna. Prawna ochrona zabytków nieruchomych w Polsce. Warszawa: Wolters Kluwer, 2010.

ICONOSPHERE

ICONOSPHERE

A term introduced by Mieczysław Porębski to designate the universe of images of all kinds surrounding man. The iconosphere is the whole visual information reaching people at every moment.

 

Along with the development of technology in the twentieth century there was a rapid increase in the production of images, which began to occupy more and more space in the human environment. They have become an inseparable component of the landscape both as its elements (e.g. large-format advertisements) and as a determinant of perception of landscapes (e.g. tourist photography). Visual culture of which the landscape is an immanent element has become increasingly important.

The landscape therefore offers a frame for the iconosphere, as well as being its product. As such, it is understood primarily in visual terms, i.e. it is identified with a view of the area stretching from a specific place. As a result, the aesthetic evaluation of the landscape is to a large extent limited to the evaluation of its visual qualities, ignoring other factors, such as meanings, values or stimuli affecting smell or hearing. An example of such an approach may be various legal solutions aimed at counteracting the “pollution” of landscapes, mainly understood as a type of visual disturbance of the view (e.g. the fight against advertising). For example, power relations or social relations prevailing in a given landscape or creating a specific landscape are analysed in a similar way.

The visual depiction of the landscape is rooted in the tradition that links the idea of landscape with landscape painting, according to which the landscape is a picture of a country that stretches in front of the human eye. Such a concept results in a specific depiction of the relationship between man and landscape – man is not a part of the landscape and thus can, for example, appropriate it.

Reducing the landscape to the iconosphere favours its analysis through the prism of images, treated as the most important key to its understanding. The 20th century visual culture and research on it have strengthened this approach. In the last two decades, however, tendencies to broaden this paradigm in favour of a multi-sensual approach and treating the landscape in terms of the experienced world have come to the fore.

[M. S.]

Literature:
Frydryczak, Beata. Krajobraz: od estetyki the picturesque do doświadczenia topograficznego. Poznań: Wydawnictwo PTPN, 2013.

Porębski, Mieczysław. Ikonosfera. Warszawa: PIW, 1972.

Zaremba, Łukasz. Obrazy wychodzą na ulice. Spory w polskiej kulturze wizualnej. Warszawa: Fundacja Bęc Zmiana, 2018.

HORIZON

HORIZON

From the Greek ὁρίζωνκύκλος [horizōnkyklos], “separating the circle”, the line of the apparent contact of the sky with the earth’s surface.

 

The concept functions in three contexts: science, art and language (metaphorical uses).

In astronomy, horizon means the boundary between the space visible for observation and the space hidden by the Earth. The geometric horizon assumes an ideally flat and infinite surface of the earth, the real one takes into account the curvature of the earth, while the topographical one takes into account the elements of the topography of the place of observation.

In art (especially in painting and drawing), horizon is an imaginary line running across the image at the height of the observer’s eyes, the extremity of the surface accessible to the eye from a specific vantage point. Horizon is linked to the principles of perspective described in the 15th century. In painting and landscape photography it is also a kind of “background” used to display the object or scene presented. In phraseology and language metaphors, the term is found in expressions associated with broadly understood knowledge (“broaden your horizons”, “horizons of knowledge”, “person with wide horizons”, etc.) or indirectly associating knowledge with the properties of the horizon (“from a high point you can see more”).

In the context of landscape, the term “horizon” is connected with the idea of view (aesthetics of the picturesque) and the composition principle applied since the 18th century in English landscape parks: building the impression of an endless park, stretching all the way to the horizon. The “horizontal” landscape, i.e. stretching across the horizon, is also characteristic of American national parks and open spaces of Arizona, California, New Mexico and American cities, where, in contrast to vertical and tight European buildings, wide and open spaces dominate (Jackson). The horizon may also be a background for a landscape dominant (e.g. hills, trees, ruins, a church or a tower). The suggestive power of the horizon can be enhanced in many ways, for example by changing the vegetation cover. It can be sharpen by not letting it be overgrown with trees, or focus the attention on its individual fragments, leaving barren sections in a wooded area. It can be given a frayed outline by placing on its line various natural and man-made objects (windmills, towers, ruins – a motif often encountered in landscape painting), emphasise by placing a source of light outside it to accentuate the “scenic” value of the sky located directly above it.

According to Casey, there is no landscape without a horizon: the horizon, together with the experiencing and moving subject, are the elements that make up the landscape.

[M. G.]

 

Literature:

Barrell, John. The Dark Side of the Landscape. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980.

Casey, Edward S. Earth-Mapping: Artists Reshaping Landscape. Minneapolis-London: University of Minneapolis Press, 2005.

Elkins, James. The Poetics of Perspective. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1994.

Jackson, John B. Discovering the Vernacular Landscape. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press 1984.

Wylie, John. Landscape. London-New York: Routledge, 2007.

 

HETEROTOPIA

HETEROTOPIA

A category proposed by Michel Foucault, which denotes a place opposite to utopia.

Foucault derived the notion of heterotopia from reflections on space, place and location, resulting not so much from fixed points on the axis, as from the variables of the network of relations defining this location. Foucault defined heterotopia as the location opposite to utopia (a location that does not physically exist), distinguishing the six principles of heterotopia: 1) it is not accessible to all, although as ‘another space’ it exists in every culture and society; 2) it has a specific function within the society to which it belongs and at the same time its place as a culturally defined space is not fixed; 3) it can put together in one real place numerous spaces that are incompatible with each other; 4) it is governed by its own time, it is heterochronous; 5) it is subject to a system of opening and closing which separates it from the rest of the space and at the same time makes it accessible (which does not mean, however, that heterotopia is available in the same way as public space – access to it may be based on ritual, duty or coercion); 6) as a “different space”, heterotopia may give the impression of real spaces being illusory. Heterotopia is therefore a place that clearly distinguishes itself from its surroundings.

Foucault distinguishes several types of heterotopia: heterotopies of crisis, i.e. unwanted places associated with unwanted situations (boarding house, sacred, guarded or exclusive places to which only the chosen have access); deviant heterotopies – places where the lifestyle differs from the normative model – places of “inactivity”. (hospitals, sanatoriums, prisons). The concept of heterotopia is often used by various disciplines exploring the living spaces of man (e.g. humanistic geography).

[M.St.]

Literature:

Czaja, Dariusz (red.). Inne przestrzenie, inne miejsca. Mapy i terytoria. Wołowiec: Czarne 2013.

Dehaene, Michiel, De Cauter, Lieven, (red.) Heterotopia and the City: Public Space in a Postcivil Society. New York: Routledge 2008.

Foucault, Michel. „Des espace autres.” Architecture, Mouvement, Continuité 5 (1984): 46-49.

LANDSCAPE GEOGRAPHY

LANDSCAPE GEOGRAPHY

A branch of science investigating the structure and functioning of the external sphere of the Earth, understood as specific sets of landscapes.

 

Landscape geography is sometimes referred to as physical geography, geoecology, landscape ecology or landscape science. It focuses on the study of connections and the recognition of relations between the components of nature. This brings it closer to ecology and landscape ecology. Ostaszewska points to three philosophical inspirations of landscape studies: dialectical materialism, systems theory and eco-philosophy. From a geographical point of view, a landscape is “a system of interlinked components of nature, formed on and near the ground”. (Ostaszewska). It can be seen as a geo-complex (co-existence of components) or as a geo-system (functional dependence of components).

Among the methods of landscape study are regionalisation (an approach that individualises a given object, hence the physico-geographical region), typology (looking for similarities of the examined object with others, hence the landscape type), induction and deduction, and catena (a term originally meaning a “series of distinct but co-evolving soils” in a given region, but nowadays understood more broadly as a typical neighbourhood of natural types; e.g. ecological catena may show the distribution of vegetation due to the lay of the land).

Classification of landscapes according to the time factor and its impact on the shape of the environment allows to rank landscape typologies in the following systems: 1) natural, emphasising the natural quality of the terrain and omitting human activity; 2) historical, developed on the basis of natural and cultural heritage features of a given historical epoch or their sequences; 3) up-to-date, created on the basis of contemporary features of the natural environment, land use and landscape physiognomy; 4) potential, indicating hypothetical changes resulting from the cessation of anthropogenic factors; 5) predicted, created with the assumption of a specific vision of civilisation development.

Nowadays, geographers pay attention to anthropogenic factors shaping landscape complexes, and consequently take into account these transformations in their typologies. For this reason, a landscape geographer exploring the sphere of the earth thinks not only about the epigeosphere (lithosphere, atmosphere and hydrosphere), but is forced to take into account all landscape-forming factors – physical, biological and cultural. The basic geological layer consists of rocks, sediments (sedimentation) and soils and related processes. The second layer, biological, includes the fauna and flora, their habitats and the ecosystems they create. Finally, the third, cultural layer, concerns land use and the infrastructure being built. The last layer dominates in the cities, as well as in some rural areas. The biological layer dominates in distant places like rainforests, in the Amazon or Congo. Landscapes carry symbolic meanings, affect social practices and people living there and vice versa, therefore the separation of the layers of landscape discussed plays an analytical role, because in practice they constitute each other. Landscape geography systematises the subject of its research more and more often on the basis of the scale of anthropogenic transformation of the terrain, and not only the dominant forms of its coverage or use.

Polish scientists suggested that the subject of landscape geography research should be divided into three analysis units: a) groups, b) types and c) subtypes. Landscape groups are the broadest category and include: 1) a group of natural and culturally exploited landscapes (there is human activity but natural processes dominate), 2) a group of natural and cultural landscapes created as a consequence of human activity and natural forces, and 3) a group of cultural landscapes where the structure and function have been fully created by human activity. The second level of classification already distinguishes 15 types of landscapes, and the third one 49. For example, in the first group we find the type of surface water and two subtypes: lakes and flowing water systems. In the second group, a rural (agricultural) or suburban and residential type have been distinguished, and the latter includes forest and settlement subtypes of villa character and hotel and sports complexes. The last, third group includes transport, metropolitan or industrial types, with subtypes, such as industrial complexes and alternative energy farms.

Due to the growing importance of anthropogenic factors in landscape creation, geographers are paying increasing attention to the cultural dimension and critical studies, which are a particularly useful tool for understanding the landscape. The two main currents that reconceptualise thinking about landscape draw inspiration from Marxist and feminist research. The former is materialistically oriented, emphasizing the fetishisation of the level of representation (metaphor of reading) at the expense of production processes, reorienting thinking from “what we see” to “who creates” and how the establishment of material conditions and the creation of the relations of power proceeds. Feminist studies, on the other hand, draw attention not only to human domination of the landscape, but also to the fact that they become similar to the values attributed to women or men and their mutual relations. These relations are perfectly captured in the painting Mr and Mrs Robert Andrews (ca. 1750) by Thomas Gainborough, who shows a man with a weapon, a lord and a landowner, as well as his farmstead – a woman and a landscape. In turn, the rural context, created not as idyllic, but as “wild”, dangerous and harsh, serves to create the image of a man-soldier, hegemon and conqueror.

[Ł. P.]

 

Literature:
Chmielewski, Tadeusz J., Myga-Piątek, Urszula i Solon, Jerzy. „Typologia aktualnych krajobrazów Polski”. Przegląd Geograficzny 87 (2015): 377-408.

Franch-Pardo, Iván, Napoletano, Brian, Bocco, Gerardo, Barrasa, Sara, Cancer-Pomar, Luis. „The Role of Geographical Landscape Studies for Sustainable Territorial Planning”. Sustainability 9 (2017): 1-23.

Myga-Piątek, Urszula. Krajobrazy kulturowe: aspekty ewolucyjne i typologiczne. Katowice: Uniwersytet Śląski, 2012.

Ostaszewska, Katarzyna. Geografia krajobrazu: wybrane zagadnienia metodologiczne. Warszawa : Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, 2002.

Richling, Andrzej. „Subject of study in complex physical geography (Landscape geography)”. GeoJournal 7: 2 (1983): 185-87.

Valentine, Gill, Holloway, Sarah, Rice, Stephen P., Clifford, Nicholas. Key concepts in geography. Los Angeles, London, New Delhi, Singapore, Washington DC: SAGE, 2009.

GENIUS LOCI

GENIUS LOCI

The Latin term, literally meaning “the spirit of the place”; in Roman mythology, a minor deity looking after a particular place; in the context of the landscape, this term is used to describe the unique character of the place and the atmosphere that accompanies it.

The term genius loci in reference to landscape architecture (garden art) was first used by the 18th century English poet Alexander Pope (genius of the place). In his opinion, the garden designer should adapt his design to the spirit of the place resulting from the natural conditions prevailing in the area in which he intends to establish the garden.

However, the spirit of the place does not need to be understood only in a naturalistic way. It can be the result of the cultural history of a given place, which consists of various events that took place there and their traces. In this sense, the idea of genius loci can be linked to the idea of landscape-palimpsest. The spirit of a place is therefore closely related to the identity of a given place, determining its temporal and spatial separation from other places (Gutowski). It is also a factor that distinguishes a place as a point or an area with specific meanings and values from a homogeneous space.

Understood objectively as a set of tangible and intangible properties of a given place, genius loci is perceived as an important factor which should be taken into account by landscape architects in their designs, as a lack of respect for the specificity of a given place may result in a mismatch between the design and its location.

In contemporary literature there is a semantic shift, as a result of which genius loci is now often understood as a sense of place, i.e. the ability of people to grasp the characteristics of a given place, to react emotionally and intellectually to specific places. In such an approach, the spirit/feeling of the place “lies” on the side of the person experiencing his or her environment and is an important issue within the humanistic geography (Relph). A sensitive reading of the spirit of the place is a prerequisite for ethical action on the part of both the landscape architects and the users of the place.

An objective and subjective understanding of genius loci does not contradict each other. This is because when we describe places, we inevitably contain in our descriptions something that is neither a set of attributes of these places, nor our feelings (Brook). For this reason, the idea of the spirit of the place can be associated with the concept of atmosphere, subjective and objective features of places (Böhme).

[M. S.]

Literature:
Böhme, Gernot. Atmosphäre: Essays zur neuen Ästhetik. Berlin: Suhrkamp, 2017.

Brook, Isis. „Can »spirit of place« be a guide to ethical building?” In: Ethics and the built environment, ed. Warwick Fox, 139-151. London: Routledge, 2000.

Gutowski, Bartłomiej (ed.) Fenomen genius loci: tożsamość miejsca w kontekście historycznym i współczesnym. Warszawa: Pałac w Wilanowie, 2009.

Relph, Edward. www.placeness.com/sense-of-place-an-overview.

PHYSIOGRAPHY

PHYSIOGRAPHY

A sub-discipline of geography describing the physical characteristics of the earth’s surface, i.e. the natural conditions prevailing in a specific area.

 

The physiographic description takes into account the climate and related meteorological and hydrological relationships, terrain, geological characteristics, soil types as well as fauna and flora (biosphere) species present in the area. Physiographic disciplines include: geomorphology, hydrology, climatology and meteorology, glaciology, biogeography, oceanography and others. Physiography describes processes and regularities occurring in the natural environment in contrast to processes resulting from human activity. It is important for land use planning. Physiography is connected with the concept of a physiographic object. The Act of 29 August 2003 on Official Names of Localities and Physiographic Objects defines a physiographic object as: “a separate component of the geographical environment, in particular: lowland, upland, hill, mountain range, mountain, mountain top, pass, valley, cave, river, canal, lake, bay, marsh, pond, artificial water reservoir, waterfall, forest, forest complex, wilderness, peninsula, island”.

Physiography is also connected with the concept of physico-geographical regionalisation, i.e. the description of world regions distinguished due to their specific physiographical conditions. The American geographer Nevin Fennemann was the author of a scale, which was used for the first time to describe the physico-geographical lands of the USA. The author of the physico-geographical regionalisation of Poland is Jerzy Kondracki. The division he proposed, modified several times (1966, 1987, 1997) still applies today. Within this division, we distinguish several provinces in Poland: the Central European Plain, the Czech Massif (the Sudetes with the Sudeten Foreland), the Polish Highlands, the Western Carpathians, the Eastern Carpathians, the East Baltic Sea-Belarusian Lowlands and the Ukrainian Highlands. The division provides for a scale from the level of a province (the most general), through a subprovince, macro-region to a mesoregion. For example, the Gorzów Plain (mesoregion) belongs to the South Pomeranian Lake District (macroregion), the South Baltic Lake District (subprovince), and the Central European Lowland (province).

[M. G.]

 

Literature:

Holden, Joseph. Introduction to Physical Geography and the Environment. London: Prentice-Hall, 2004.

Kondracki, Jerzy. „Regiony fizycznogeograficzne Polski”. Poznaj Świat, 4 (1964).

Marsh, William M., Kaufman Martin M. Physical Geography: Great Systems and Global Environments. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013.

PHILOSOPHY OF LANDSCAPE

PHILOSOPHY OF LANDSCAPE

A broadly understood reflection on the category of landscape conducted from the philosophical perspective, including also related concepts (e.g. place, neighbourhood, space). The philosophy of landscape should not be understood as a clearly defined field of philosophy or as a specific perspective, but as the use of various philosophical concepts and tools to understand what landscape is, what role it plays in human life and how the relationship between man and landscape is shaped.

 

Georg Simmel was probably the first to use the term “the philosophy of landscape” in an essay under this title published in 1913. The term is still in use today, but it is not widespread (d’Angelo, Le Dantec, Verrissimo and Serrao), due to the fact that philosophical reflections on the landscape are dominated by aesthetic issues (which is already apparent in Simmel’s text). As a result, the philosophy of landscape is identified with landscape aesthetics. Although it is legitimate to consider landscape as a primarily aesthetic phenomenon, reducing the philosophy of landscape to aesthetics is wrong because it can lead to too narrow a view of landscape, focusing on artistic and literary representations of landscapes, on analysing people’s aesthetic preferences with regard to landscapes, and on theoretical and practical issues related to landscape architecture. In addition, such an approach ignores ethical issues: the issue of landscape ethics, i.e. the issue of action (design, management, conduct) respecting the nature of a particular landscape and the issue of people’s right to the landscape.

The history of the term “landscape” is long and complex, due to the fact that the notion has functioned in a variety of disciplines, with each of them enriching its meaning. As a consequence, it is impossible to define landscape unequivocally. Philosophical reflection refers primarily to the history of art (landscape is a picturesque view), which helps to identify the philosophy of landscape with aesthetics, but in recent years it more and more often reaches for the understanding of this concept developed on the basis of humanistic geography (landscape as an experienced place).

In the contemporary philosophical reflection on landscape, a number of the most important groups of issues (d’Angelo) can be identified. First of all, the adequacy of landscape categories has been reflected upon. Environmental aesthetics challenged the use of the term “landscape”. (Carlson, Berleant). Using the category of landscape, whose paradigmatic incarnation was landscape painting, was considered inappropriate, because it causes the human environment to be separated from it and reduced to the visual side, while man is understood as an uninvolved observer of the world. Secondly, it has been pointed out that landscape is born at the moment when people experience their surroundings, so it is difficult to separate objective and subjective elements (Simmel). In this sense, landscape is closely related to the mood and atmosphere category (Böhme). Thirdly, the relationship between landscape and history has begun to be considered. Landscape itself is the product of history and human and/or natural interaction. At the same time, landscape is always experienced and conceptualised in a historical way – the very idea of landscape is a certain concept with a specific history. The question therefore arises as to whether landscape can be regarded as a universal category, or whether we should rather speak of its birth and specific scope (for many researchers, the reference to the environment as landscape is characteristic of modern European culture and Chinese and Japanese culture). (Berque). Fourthly, the relationship between landscape and modern culture (Ritter) has been pointed out. It was not until the full liberation from the rule of nature, which took place with the scientific and industrial revolution, that it was possible to adopt an attitude in which the environment was appreciated for its non-utilitarian values. At the same time, it was the modern era that led to the degradation of landscapes, although the same era gave rise to the idea of their protection. Fifthly, attention is drawn to the relationship between landscape and identity. Landscapes themselves have an identity that distinguishes them from other landscapes (ethos, genius loci), which is the result of human and/or natural interactions and is at the same time an essential component of the identity of the people living there. Some landscapes are even treated as an expression of the identity of a specific group (e.g. national landscapes). In this context, more and more attention is being paid to the right of people to enjoy a landscape that provides them with physical and mental well-being. In this context, landscape is understood as a living area, existing in so far as there are people who experience and conceptualise it, and thus it takes shape and/or meaning.

The issues mentioned above are basically various manifestations of the basic issue that the philosophy of landscape wants to address and which is the question: “What is landscape?

Although the philosophy of landscape cannot do without the achievements of other disciplines, at the same time it is able to answer this question to the fullest, indicating that the specificity of landscape is evidenced by its basic duality: landscape is both a fragment of reality, as well as the way in which it appears to man. The cultural dimension of landscape has a twofold character (resulting from its immanent duality): on the one hand, it is a reality experienced through the prism of categories provided by culture, and on the other hand, it is nature transformed by culture. Culture should be understood as a dynamic factor that produces or transforms the landscape in a historical process, which makes it possible to distinguish (which does not mean: to separate) landscape understood as a reality experienced – individually and collectively – through the prism of cultural categories from  landscape presented as a fragment of reality transformed by culture. At the same time, however, it must be recognised that landscape can be equally causative, both in terms of shaping cultural tradition and the individual way of experiencing the world through the senses.

[B. F., M. S.]

 

Literature:

Berleant, Arnold. The Aesthetics of Environment. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992.

Berque, Augustine. „Paysage, milieu, histoire”. In: Cinq propositions pour une théorie du paysage, ed. Augustine Berque, 11-29. Seyssel: Éditions Champ Vallon, 1994.

Böhme, Gernot. Filozofia i estetyka przyrody w dobie kryzysu środowiska naturalnego, trans. Jarosław Merecki. Warszawa: Oficyna Naukowa, 2002.

Carlson, Allen. Nature and Landscape: an Introduction to Environmental Aesthetics. New York: Columbia University Press, 2009.

D’Angelo, Paolo. Filosofia del paesaggio. Roma: Quodlibet, 2009.

Frydryczak, Beata, Angutek, Dorota (eds.) Krajobrazy. Antologia tekstów. Poznań: Wydawnictwo PTPN, 2014.

Frydryczak, Beata. Krajobraz. Od estetyki the picturesque do doświadczenia topograficznego. Poznań: Wydawnictwo PTPN, 2013.

Le Dantec, Jean-Pierre. „Philosophie du paysage”. In: Mouvance II, ed. Augustine Berque, 80-83. Paris: Éditions de la Villette, 2006.

Ritter, Joachim. Landschaft: zur Funktion des Ästhetischen in der modernen Gesellschaft, Münster: Aschendorff Verlag, 1963.

Simmel, Georg. Philosophie der Landschaft. In: ders.: Brücke und Tor. Stuttgart, 1957

Verríssimo Serrão, Adriana. Filosofia da Paisagem. Estudos. Lisboa: Centro de Filosofia da Universidade de Lisboa, 2013.

 

LANDSCAPE PHENOMENOLOGY

LANDSCAPE PHENOMENOLOGY

A trend in landscape research drawing on the achievements of philosophical phenomenology.

 

Phenomenology of landscape takes advantage of the denial of the Cartesian model of cognition, in which man is reduced to a non-corporeal cognitive mind, in favour of the assumption that man is physically immersed in the sensually experienced world, and thus inevitably engages in various relationships with it. Intellectual sources of landscape phenomenology are the theories of Martin Heidegger (the concept of residence) and Maurice Merleau-Ponty (the concept of the body as a medium in the process of experiencing the world, relations between nature and culture, the role of subjectivity in the process of cognition). The determinants of landscape phenomenology are: multisensory landscape experience (and experience in movement), the theory of residence and participation in the landscape, processability of the landscape, memory and remembrance understood as factors constituting the landscape. From the phenomenological perspective, landscape is first and foremost a world experienced by man in various ways, and thus “filled” with meanings.

Phenomenology of landscape is a trend that is particularly popular in humanistic geography and disciplines using its achievements, such as landscape archaeology, cultural anthropology and environmental aesthetics. Researchers developing landscape phenomenology from different perspectives – Tim Ingold, Edward Casey, Christopher Tilley, Edward Relph, Haana Buczyńska-Garewicz and Arnold Berleant – stress that apart from understanding landscape in visual terms as a way of seeing, aesthetic or artistic representation of the world, landscape is first of all an object of experience in which it is no longer just an object that is looked at, but also a life space. According to the idea of landscape phenomenology, man belongs to the landscape, which enables all experience: being in the world becomes being in the landscape (Wylie).

Representatives of landscape phenomenology indicate that landscape is not only a visual experience, but above all a multi-sensory one, and because of this one can talk about sound landscape, smell landscape, etc. The landscape is not only a visual experience, but also a multi-sensory one. A special role is played by tactical experience as a haptic and kinesthetic experience (Rodaway): tactility means the feeling of being in the world, while hapticism allows the body to be situated in space, while kinesthesia is the experience of the body in motion, which determines the unity of man and the environment.

Participation is the second of the factors important for the phenomenology of landscape that define an experience open to multisensority. Tilley and Berleant use the term “participatory landscape” and Ingold use the term “given landscape”. Landscape here means the environment or surroundings in which people live, in which they are engaged and which they occupy. Man and the environment cannot be treated as separate entities, because they condition each other in one existential experience. Dialectical dependence awakens in people a sense of belonging, rootedness, intimacy, which is not only born from knowledge, but above all from interest. The landscape has an ontological meaning here, because it is in and through it that life takes place. Landscape here becomes a holistic experience through the body and full of sensual involvement (which includes topography, smells, sounds, movement), emotional feeling of mood and subconsciously perceived stimuli.

The concept of inhabited place and surroundings, rooted in Heidegger’s concept of inhabitation, connected with the “topographical” model of thinking, which combines place, practice, cosmology and nature (Tilley), remains significant in the phenomenology of landscape. The place is a centre of action for the phenomenology of landscape, where, as Relph writes, the experience of all the significant events of our lives, which are important only where they take place, is concentrated. Tilley uses the term “locality” to convey the specific senses and meanings that have been inscribed in the landscape by its users. Casey says that to be human means to be in a place, and to live means to live locally. In a participatory attitude towards the environment, we do not build a distance, which becomes the participation of an observer, a tourist or a passer-by, but a sense of closeness and intimacy. Understanding is achieved through inhabitation.

The third factor highlighted by landscape phenomenologists is the kind of practicing landscape through movement: this bodily experience that takes shape on the road. Walking is a combination of places and times, and walking creates spatial stories (de Certeau) “woven” of roads and paths. Following a path is a cultural act: we follow in the footsteps of others, while a few set new paths. Movement engages in experience a time factor that distinguishes the static concept of landscape as a view (built according to the principle of perspective, from a specific point of view, limited by the horizon) from landscape as a process (by moving we change our position, change our points of view, experience all senses, on many levels and from many perspectives). Landscape understood as a process ceases to be assessed in terms of aesthetics (as a view), and begins to be perceived in terms of functionality as a space for life, everyday work and experience (Ingold). According to Ingold, such an understanding of the landscape becomes a space of community actions that shape it.

The fourth factor is the memory of experiences experienced in a given landscape (place). Landscape appears here as a record of what was experienced, and the memory of the events that took place in it, a code by means of which we read and interpret it. Landscape is not a background for human activities, but a cognitive entity, evoking associations and memories. Some researchers find in landscape phenomenology the key to grasping the spiritual tone of human existence in the world. For David Abram, a phenomenological approach leads to the discovery of a more “authentic”, ecological and holistic relationship between man and the earth.

Phenomenology of landscape is criticised primarily for its anthropocentrism, since the human body becomes here the source of all experience. The project, which was supposed to limit the Cartesian dualism of the subject and the object, emphasises it even more, stresses the subjectivity of experience and makes man the measure of all things (Foucault). The second critical moment is related to the granting of extraordinary powers to man, because according to this concept it is man who ultimately synthesizes all experiences. Another is related to the emphasis on individual experience: in many analyses of Tuan, Relph or Seamon, individual experience is identified with the “essence” of the landscape. Feminist and Marxist criticism indicates a lack of interest on the part of phenomenologists in social diversity of people. According to these critics, gender, age or anthropological factors (and the economic, political, social and power relations they involve) do not remain transparent and reflect in our experiences, as do the emphasis on pre-modern lifestyles or non-European lifestyles as values, the search for “authentic landscapes” and an ideal, but in reality non-existent community that lives in harmony.

[M. G., B. F.]

 

Literature:

Abram, David. The Spell of the Sensuous. London: Vintage, 1996.

Angutek, Dorota. „Teoretyczny i epistemologiczny kontekst antropologicznych badań nad krajobrazem”. In: Krajobraz kulturowy, ed. Beata Frydryczak i Mieszko Ciesielski. Poznań: Wydawnictwo PTPN, 2014, 133-153.

Berleant, Arnold. The Aesthetics of Environment. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992.

Buczyńska-Garewicz, Hanna. Miejsca, strony, okolice. Przyczynek do fenomenologii przestrzeni. Kraków: Universitas, 2006.

Certeau de, Michel. L’invention du quodientien, In Arts de faire. Paris: Editions Gallinard, 1990.

Casey, Edward S. The Fate of Place. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998.

Daniels, S. „Marxism, culture and the duplicity of landscape”. In: New models in geography, red. R. Peet and N. Thrift. London: Unwin Hyman, 1989, 196-220.

Ingold, Tim. The Perception of the Environment: Essays on Livelihood, Dwelling and Skill. London: Routledge, 2000.

Merleau-Ponty, Maurice. Phenomenology of Perception. London: Routledge, 1962.

Relph, Edward. Place and Placelessness. London: Pion, 1976.

Rodaway, Paul. Sensous Geographies, Body, Sense and Place. London – New York: Routledge, 1994.

Tilley, Christopher. A Phenomenology of Landscape: Places, Paths and Monuments. Oxford: Berg, 1994.

Tuan, Yi-Fu. Topophilia. Englewood Cliffs, New York: Prentice-Hall, 1974.

Wylie, John. Landscape. London-New York: Routledge, 2007.

EUROPEAN LANDSCAPE CONVENTION

EUROPEAN LANDSCAPE CONVENTION

A document drawn up on 20 October 2000 in Florence in order to define the rules of protection, promotion, management and landscape planning.

 

The European Landscape Convention defines “landscape” as an area, as perceived by people, whose character is the result of the action and interaction of natural and/or human factors“ (Article 1a) and includes natural, rural, urban and suburban areas, indicating that they include exceptional, common or degraded landscapes.

According to the European Landscape Convention, landscape protection means actions to conserve and maintain the significant or characteristic features of a landscape, justified by its heritage value derived from its natural configuration and/or from human activity. Landscape planning, on the other hand, means strong forward-looking action to enhance, restore or create landscapes.

The guidelines of the Convention are addressed to all Member States. The European Landscape Convention requires the parties: legal recognition of landscapes, the establishment and implementation of landscape policies, the establishment of participatory procedures for the public and local and regional authorities interested in defining and implementing landscape policies, the integration of the landscape into their regional and urban planning policies, and any other policy (cultural, economic or environmental). The Parties shall also undertake to promote landscape issues, including through the training of professionals and the implementation of landscape awareness programmes in schools and universities. Within the framework of European cooperation, the Parties declare to carry out joint research projects, scientific and technical cooperation, exchange of specialists and information. The European Landscape Convention is doubly innovative: firstly, it is the first document which systematically defines the ways of landscape management; secondly, by pointing to the existence of ordinary and degraded landscapes, it departs from the understanding of landscape as an area of exceptional aesthetic, cultural or natural values. Poland ratified the Convention on 24 June 2004.

[B. F., M. K., M. S.]

 

Literature:
„Europejska Konwencja Krajobrazowa”, access 16.04.2017.

http://www.nid.pl/upload/iblock/1ec/1ec0f6042b2eee4202dce6da6c6f0bb4.pdf.

Baranowska-Janota, Maria. „Europejska Konwencja Krajobrazowa a ochrona krajobrazu w Polsce”. In: Geografia i sacrum, ed. Bolesław Domański, Stefan Skiba. Kraków: Instytut Geografii i Gospodarki Przestrzennej Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, 2005.

„Generalna Dyrekcja Ochrony Środowiska”, access 16.04.2017.

http://www.gdos.gov.pl/europejska-konwencja-krajobrazowa.

Majchrowska, Anna. „Realizacja zapisów Europejskiej Konwencji Krajobrazowej”. Czasopismo Techniczne 7-A (2007): 180-184.

Majchrowska, Anna. „Europejska Konwencja Krajobrazowa impulsem dla badań interdyscyplinarnych”. In: Regionalne studia ekologiczno-krajobrazowe, ed. Andrzej Richling. Warszawa: Wydział Geografii i Studiów Regionalnych Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, 2006.

ETHOS (ETHICS OF PLACE)

ETHOS (ETHICS OF THE PLACE)

A Greek term meaning order, but also the character of people and places. In the latter sense, ethos is related to genius loci.

 

The idea of ethos is useful in that it allows us to talk about the ethics of the place, contributing – on an equal footing with aesthetics and philosophical anthropology – to the philosophical approach to the category of the place. The concept of ethos is based on the conviction that places have their own character, their own identity, which on the one hand is constantly created in interaction with their users, and on the other – from the perspective of these users – is something already existing. As such, it should be properly understood and treated as a factor to be taken into account in our actions. Ethos is therefore closely related to the ethics of the place, understood both as a theoretical reflection on the essence of ethical activity (design, management, conduct), as well as the activity itself.

Ethos is therefore a category that can be useful in reflecting on the practical aspects of people’s relationships with places where they are located. The concept of ethos makes it possible, among others, to introduce a criterion for their assessment (consistency with the nature of the place) and to consider consistence with the nature of the place as a directive in all types of activities.

Taking into account that human activities in the landscape are at stake, the idea of ethos (ethics of the place) is connected with the belief that the ideal is not so much non-interference in the landscape as responsible interference, arising from the conviction that the landscape is a sphere characterised by specific features that result from human and/or natural activities throughout history and that as such are worthy of respect.

The idea of ethics of the place can be combined on the one hand with a hermeneutical concept, whereby the landscape is like a text to be interpreted (and not every reading is equally legitimate), and on the other hand – with a concept that perceives in landscapes the causality with which man should come to terms. In any case, there is a conviction that the landscape is a sphere which cannot be fully subordinated to human activities, as well as a sphere upon which no arbitrary meanings can be imposed. The idea of ethos and ethics of the place leads to the recognition that the best form of relations between man and the landscape (environment), the best way to interfere in it is a kind of dialogue in which man does not give up his interests, but at the same time does not try to pursue them regardless of the landscape in which he intends to do so.

Literature:
Drenthen, Mike. „Reading Ourselves Through the Land: Landscape, Hermeneutics and Ethics of Place”. In: Placing Nature on the Borders of Religion, Philosophy and Ethics, ed. Forrest Clingerman, Mark Dixon, 123-138. London: Ashgate 2011.

Salwa, Mateusz. Estetyka ogrodu. Między sztuką a ekologią. Łódź: Przypis, 2016.

Seel, Martin. „Aesthetics of Nature and Ethics”. In: Encyclopedia of Aesthetics, ed. Michael Kelly, t. 3, 341-343. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998.

Smith, Mick. An Ethics of Place. Radical Ecology, Postmodernity, and Social Theory. Albany: SUNY Press, 2001.

Tyburski, Włodzimierz. Dyscypliny humanistyczne a ekologia. Toruń: Wydawnictwo UMK, 2013.

AESTHETICS OF LANDSCAPE

AESTHETICS OF LANDSCAPE

An area of research and interest in aesthetics, which examines the notion of landscape, perceiving in it both a phenomenon and an aesthetic idea. Landscape aesthetics defines the categories that constitute the landscape, its quality and aesthetic values, and the type of experience that accompanies it.

 

Aesthetics of landscape is not a separate branch of philosophy, although it is located at the interface between the aesthetics of nature and the aesthetics of art: it considers the beauty of nature and its experience to be the aesthetics of nature, it borrows from the aesthetics of art the values that constitute the image and its perception. Aesthetics of landscape recognises that seeing the beauty of nature is a prerequisite for a more complex process, as a result of which vistas are perceived as landscapes. The experience of landscape is by its nature visual, belonging to the subject and not to nature as such, in the sense that it expresses itself directly in visual perception. The manner of this perception is reflected in landscape painting, which provides a model of separating the landscape from the perceived fragment of the external reality (e.g. natural landscape, urban landscape) and placing it in real or imagined frames. At present, when the field of aesthetics itself is expanded (expanded aesthetics), the aesthetics of landscape is approaching cultural research on the landscape and the concept of cultural landscape developed on their basis. This makes it possible to distinguish between the classic (traditional) concept of aesthetic landscape and the concept of cultural landscape defined within the expanded aesthetics. The concepts of Burke, Gilpin and Kant as well as Simmel and Ritter, which represent the classic (traditional) landscape approach, are key to the constitution of aesthetics of landscape. In the twentieth century, environmental aesthetics, and Berleant in particular, was a problem within the framework of expanded landscape aesthetics. Between them is Carlson’s contemporary concept.

The historical approach allows to locate the sources of aesthetics of landscape in the Renaissance sensitivity to the world of nature, in the discovery of the beauty of nature and landscape as a beautiful view expressed in the natural scenery. The “discovery” of the landscape attributed to the Renaissance (Gombrich, Burckhardt) is connected with the picture and painting perception of the world. The first reflections on the aesthetics of the landscape were formulated by Bacon, Shaftsbury, 18th century English empirics (Hutcheson, Alison, Addison, Pope and Burke). It is also a moment of aesthetic reflection, when the beauty of nature (as an unsurpassed model for the artist) was given a higher value than the beauty of art, recognising that beauty is a feature of the whole reality and it fits into the order of nature (Shaftesbury). Shaftesbury’s important contribution to landscape aesthetics is also to outline the concept of selfless contemplation accompanying the perception of natural phenomena. Addison and Pope wrote about the beauty of natural forms and unrestricted nature, the multiplicity of images generated by nature and its diversity and variability.

Burke, searching for quality and aesthetic values in nature, introduced to his reflections on nature and its phenomena a second category alongside with beauty: sublimity, which defines everything that the aesthetics of beauty does not include. In this approach, sublimity is expressed in the wild, unrestrained nature, arousing fear turned into aesthetic pleasure. Gilpin, on the other hand, showed that apart from beauty and sublimity, it is possible to distinguish a third aesthetic category: the picturesque, which was connected with the landscape, and then with landscape parks. The picturesque category referred to picturesque views, i.e. those worth painting, which attract the eye. Eventually, the picturesque linked the landscape with a painting for which landscape painting is a benchmark, and the expression is a perception shaped on the basis of the principles of perspective and the search for a way of perfect representation of the world. The theory and practice of creating landscape parks played a significant role in shaping an aesthetic view of the landscape.

From this perspective, the landscape constitutes itself in the face of two aesthetic categories: the picturesque and the sublime. Both have successfully shaped models of preferred landscapes, referring to both the essence and quality of aesthetic views. The importance of these categories consists in distinguishing two types of experience reviving in the face of nature and communing with it. While the picturesque means contemplation and a distanced, selfless experience of landscape as a painting that finds the best exemplification in painting and landscape parks, sublimity, expressed in such phenomena as storm, storm, majestic mountains, arouses fear and not a contemplative aesthetic experience. These two categories have not lost their relevance, and their vitality is evidenced by the fact that to this day we admire the landscapes that appear to us in the form of a perceived image. The sublime, despite its complicated history in the area of aesthetics and philosophy, has not lost its power of influence, still updating itself in the face of phenomena in which the natural element reveals its horror.

In Kant’s Critique of Judgment, Burke’s division into the aesthetics of beauty and sublimity has been adopted, consolidating the dual-track aesthetics. In Kant’s work, through the connection with the notion of beautiful nature, the same features that characterise beauty were attributed to landscape experience: selflessness, incomprehensibility, distancing, contemplative reflection. The idea of selfless viewing is to give the eye the role of the dominant sense in contact with nature and to introduce distance as a kind of relationship between the subject experiencing and the phenomenon or object of experience. Distance and selfless contemplation indicate that landscape experience is not about the directness of experience, but about the activity of imagination which, what is directly given, captures into its own frames. In Simmel’s view, landscape is a “spiritual creation” and his experience requires a special spiritual process, similar to the creative act, which makes us no longer look at meadows, forests, mountains, but at landscapes. The viewer, like the artist, extracts from the chaotic, infinite stream of the world a fragment that forms into one: it gives it form, complements it with meaning and meaning. Berleant associates this type of experience with a panoramic view.

In the classical approach, landscape experience allows only the attitude of the viewer, the audience, which means that those who actively participate in it in the physical dimension, co-creating it through use, are excluded from its perception, experience and feeling. The recognition that aesthetics of landscape refers to two categories: the sublime and the picturesque makes it possible to distinguish two approaches to landscape, revealing its two senses. The division runs between the picturesque and sublime and puts at opposite poles the idea of timelessness and ahistoricity of beautiful nature, as well as the historical, process dimension of beauty, contemplation of what is perceived and the multi-sensual aesthetic experience. While the picturesque liberates aesthetic pleasure, the sublimity speaks of aesthetic stir.

In the optics of sublimity, the landscape takes on a processual character, inscribing itself into cultural and social phenomena and historical processes. As a process in which socio-cultural relations and the natural world overlap, the landscape acquires the sense of the surrounding reality, the current environment in which its fully sensual reception takes place.

Environmental aesthetics links the concept of landscape to the environment. This is the position represented by Berleant, who focuses on the idea of landscape as an element of the environment as a whole. In the proposed approach, the environment is not only a physical environment, but also a social, cultural, natural and artificial order going beyond the natural world; it is a geographical and climatic condition; it is a physical presence, a sensual perception, unity of time and place. Such a landscape requires a different type of experience, which Berleant defines in terms of engagement understood as “evaluating participation”, assuming that aesthetic values are the basic factor in relations with the outside world. This type of experience is characteristic of the subject’s relationship with nature. Here, aesthetic predilection means commitment, because nature, expressing itself directly through the environment, requires active reception on our part. In this respect, Berleant approaches the position represented by humanistic geography, referring to the cultural landscape as a space in which the work of nature and human work is expressed, and the landscape itself acquires a processual character, inscribing itself into cultural and social phenomena and historical processes. Such an approach makes it possible to unambiguously link the landscape with what is dynamic and to reject its static model, which is not without influence on the role of the subject. It should change from a viewer and user into a “critical” participant whose contribution to shaping reality takes place in three fields: perception, action and consciousness. Critical participation means co-creation and activity of the senses: instead of an uninvolved viewer, an active viewer enters. It also means that one can no longer speak of the landscape as such, but of a multitude of different, sensual landscapes, for which visuality is a form of complementing and integrating what is revealed in the richness of impressions.

[B. F.]

 

 

 

Literature:

Berleant, Arnold. Sensibility and Sense: The Aesthetic Transformation of the Human World. Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2010.

Berleant, Arnold. Living in the Landscape. Toward an Aesthetics of Environment. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1997.

Burke, Edmund. A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful: With an Introductory Discourse Concerning Taste; and Several Other Additions. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014.

Carlson, Allen. Nature and Landscape. An Introduction to Environmental Aesthetics. New York: Columbia University Press, 2009.

Frydryczak, Beata. Krajobraz. Od estetyki the picturesque do doświadczenia topograficznego. Poznań: Wydawnictwo PTPN, 2013.

Gombrich, Ernst H. The Renaissance Theory and the Rise of Landscape. Norm and Form. Studies in the Art of the Renaissance. Oxford: Phaidon, 1966.

Gilpin, William. Three Essays: On Picturesque Beauty, On Picturesque Travel and on Sketching Landscape. London 1794.

Kant, Immanuel. Kritik der Urteilskraft, Hamburg: Meiner, 2001.

Morawski, Stefan. Studia z historii myśli estetycznej XVIII i XIX w. Warszawa: PWN,1961.

Ritter, Joachim. Landschaft: zur Funktion des Ästhetischen in der modernen Gesellschaft, Münster: Aschendorff Verlag, 1963.

Simmel, Georg. Philosophie der Landschaft. In: Brücke und Tor. Stuttgart, 1957.

LANDSCAPE ECOLOGY

LANDSCAPE ECOLOGY 

A sub-discipline researching in a holistic and systemic way the spatial structure of landscape, its elements and relations between them, as well as the functions performed in ecological processes.

 

The term “landscape ecology” was introduced in the 1930s by the German biologist and geographer Carl Troll. Inspired by aerial photography, he presented an inclusive approach, defining the subject of landscape ecology as a functional analysis of landscape contents and the changing relationships between them, taking into account human influence on this dynamic process. Similar intuitions were presented by the Russian researcher Vladimir Skachev, who proposed the term “geobiocenology” in the 1940s.

Landscape ecology is strongly embedded in two disciplines: geography and biology. From the point of view of the former, geoecology which examines the landscape and human activity as a whole is usually referred, while the latter’s perspective takes into account geobiocenology or bioecology, which emphasises evolutionary processes. Due to the growing role of anthropogenic factors, i.e. human activity and presence all over the world, humanities are becoming increasingly important in the field of landscape ecology. A study focusing on social activity in relation to natural conditions is concerned with human ecology, while animal ecology – with the landscape related to the analysis of territorialism in animals. The International Association for Landscape Ecology (IALE) stresses the importance of biophysical and social factors in the creation of landscape diversity. For this reason, studies of landscape ecology are inherently inter- and trans-disciplinary in nature, although at the same time they are based on their own theoretical and methodological foundations. Landscape ecology helps to formulate postulates for the shaping and use of the environment, which is mediated by such fields as landscape architecture, spatial planning, forestry or nature conservation.

Within landscape ecology there are several perspectives depending on the main object of the analysis. Pietrzak indicates four areas: global, situating the landscape in the context of nature in general and its diversity; geo-complex, exploring natural complexes, defined as systems of related geo-components; structural-functional, focusing on time-spatial variables; ecosystem, understanding the landscape as a spatial equivalent of the ecosystem. The following approaches can also be distinguished: geographical, landscape and ecological, (eco)systemic, geo-ecological, spatial and ecological as well as environmental (application) approaches.

The key assumptions of landscape ecology concern landscape patterns and spatial structures, such as urban, rural and wilderness systems. It is not only about how much a share a specific component has in space, but also about how it is organised. Different characteristics of systems, generated and transformed both by the forces of nature and man, influence ecological processes, the explanation of which is sought by differentiating scales – from micro-ecology researching aphids and bees to macro-ecology operating with continental dimensions. The most important element in choosing the scale is to determine the relation between spatial heterogeneity and the processes occurring in it or a variable that is interesting for the study.

Landscape ecology distinguishes four factors shaping spatial patterns: abiotic templates, biotic interactions, land use by humans and vegetative disturbances and successions.

Abiotic factors include: climate, understood as permanent and sustained weather conditions in a given region, terrain, understood as geological forms, e.g. valleys, plains and hills resulting from geological and geo-morphological processes, which together with climate influence the structure of soil and the type of ecosystem.

Biotic interactions include various relationships within and between plant and animal species. Interactions can lead to domination and homogenisation. If the dominant species determines the spatial pattern, it is referred to as the basic species, such as coral for the tropical coastline. There are also the so-called ecosystem engineers: one of them is the beaver, which by building dams and raising the water level changes the habitat surrounding its habitat.

Human use refers to the ways and purposes of using the land’s resources, e.g. in industry, recreation or housing. Although man’s influence on landscape ecology dates back to prehistory, it was only in the modern era that a decisive change in the nature of the terrestrial biosphere occurred as a result of human activity.

The last group of factors are disturbances and plant succession. A disruption is an incidental event that disrupts the ecosystem through changes in resource availability or population structure, such as fires or volcanic eruptions.

Landscape Ecology, which has been published continuously since 1987, is the leading journal on landscape ecology as a whole. Its current editor, Jianguo Wu, has identified 10 main topics of landscape ecology: (1) pattern (spatial structure) – scale relationship, (2) continuity and fragmentation of landscape, (3) scale and scaling, (4) spatial analysis and landscape modelling, (5) changes in land use and land cover, (6) impacts of history and landscape heritage, (7) interactions between climate change and landscape, (8) ecosystem services in a changing landscape, (9) landscape sustainability, (10) accuracy of estimation and risk analysis.

[Ł. P.]

 

Literature:

Balon, Jarosław. „Porządki Przestrzenne – Syntetyczna Wizja Krajobrazu. Spatial Orders – a Synthetic Vision of Landscape”. Landscape XXIII (2009): 61-70.

Cadenasso, Mary L., Steward, T. A. Pickett. „Cities and the Environment Urban Principles for Ecological Landscape Design and Management”. Cities and the Environment 1(2008): 1-16.

Forman, Richard T.T. „Some General Principles of Landscape and Regional Ecology”. Landscape Ecology 10 (1995): 133-42.

Gobster, Paul H., Nassauer, Joan I., Daniel, Terry C., Fry, Gary. „The Shared Landscape: What Does Aesthetics Have to Do with Ecology?” Landscape Ecology 22 (2007): 959-72.

Pietrzak, Maciej. „Ekologia krajobrazu jako nauka – między teorią a praktyką”. In: Ekologia krajobrazu I ekorozwój, ed. Aleksandra Kowalczyk. Bydgoszcz: Wydawnictwo Akademii Bydgoskiej im. Kazimierza Wielkiego, 2001.

Richling, Andrzej. „Perspektywy Rozwoju Ekologii Krajobrazu.” Problemy Ekologii Krajobrazu 23 (2009): 1-10.

Richling, Andrzej. Solon, Jerzy. Ekologia krajobrazu. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, 2011.

Turner, Monica G., Gardner, Robert H., O´Neil, Robert V. Landscape Ecology in Theory and Practice: Pattern and Process. New York: Springer, 2015.

Wiens, John A., Milne, Bruce T. „Scaling of ‘Landscapes’ in Landscape Ecology, Or, Landscape Ecology from a Beetle’s Perspective”. Landscape Ecology 3 (1989): 87-96.

Wu, Jianguo. „Key Concepts and Research Topics in Landscape Ecology Revisited: 30 Years after the Allerton Park Workshop”. Landscape Ecology 28 (2013): 1-11.

 

NATURAL HERITAGE

NATURAL HERITAGE

Monuments of nature, sites and zones of exceptional natural value subject to legal protection.

The legal term proposed in the Convention for the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage adopted in Paris on 16 November 1972, ratified by Poland on 30 September 1976.

 

Natural heritage includes: 1) natural features consisting of physical and biological formations or groups of such formations, which are of outstanding universal value from the aesthetic or scientific point of view; 2) geological and physiographical formations and precisely delineated areas which constitute the habitat of threatened species of animals and plants of outstanding universal value from the point of view of science or conservation; 3) natural sites or precisely delineated natural areas of outstanding universal value from the point of view of science, conservation or natural beauty (OJ 1976 No. 32 Item 190). Provisions concerning natural heritage formulated in the Paris Convention were consulted with an advisory body – the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN). Objects or sites considered world natural heritage of exceptional value are entered by the World Heritage Committee in the UNESCO World Heritage List. Currently, it includes 206 entries. Objects, sites or landscapes of ”exceptional universal value” are entered in the UNESCO list if they meet at least one of the following criteria: 1) contain superlative natural phenomena or areas of exceptional natural beauty and aesthetic importance; 2) constitute outstanding examples representing major stages of earth’s history, including the record of life, significant on-going geological processes in the development of landforms, or significant geomorphic or physiographic features; 3) are outstanding examples representing significant on-going ecological and biological processes in the evolution and development of terrestrial, fresh water, coastal and marine ecosystems and communities of plants and animals; 4) contain the most important and significant natural habitats for in-situ conservation of biological diversity, including those containing threatened species of outstanding universal value from the point of view of science or conservation. At present, the world heritage list contains 15 endangered natural heritage sites.

The main impetus for the adoption of the Paris Convention was a breakthrough in the study of human impact on the environment. In 1962, the American researcher Rachel Carson published the book “Silent spring”, in which she demonstrated the negative effects of pesticide use. The research carried out by Carson, as well as the first environmental disaster in Japan that occurred in the same year, increased environmental awareness and led to a gradual implementation of the doctrine of sustainable development and the ecological approach. The natural heritage protection measures listed in the Paris Convention are based on the then promoted doctrine of sustainable development, mutual cooperation and public participation. The impact of the Paris Convention on the format of natural heritage protection can be seen in international legislation (Harrison). The guidelines presented at the Earth Summit, the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development held in Rio de Janeiro in June 1992, are maintained in the same spirit. In order to achieve sustainable development of ecosystems, four protection areas (protection of air, land resources, freshwater resources and seas, oceans and coastal areas) and five synergistic strategies to improve the natural environment (preservation of biodiversity, environmentally sound use of biotechnology, prevention of illegal transport of toxic products, improvement of quality of life and human health, eradication of poverty and stopping environmental degradation) have been identified (Kozłowski). Biodiversity has become a key concept for the Convention and for the participants of the Earth Summit, which means the diversity of life at all levels of its organisation (diversity of genes, species and ecosystems). Biodiversity is protected due to its utilitarian dimension (biodiversity allows human use of the environment), ecological (human well-being depends on ecosystem services), aesthetic (man admires nature and enjoys contact with it), responsibility (man, using the Earth’s resources, is responsible for its condition), ethical (man, causing damage to ecosystems, is obliged to restore them to the state known before its impact). (cf. Wilson).

At present, the concept of natural heritage is being criticised on the grounds that it points to the decoupling of nature and culture. (Descola, Harrison, MacNamara).

[M. St.]

 

Literature:

Konwencja w sprawie ochrony światowego dziedzictwa kulturalnego i naturalnego z 16 listopada 1972 r. (Dz.U. 1976 nr 32 poz. 190, tzw. Konwencja Paryska).

Carson, Rachel. Silent spring. Boston: The Riverside Press Cambridge, 1962.

Descola, Philippe. Beyond Nature and Culture. trans. Janet Lloyd. Chicago-London: The University of Chicago Press, 2013.

Harrison, Rodney. „Natural Heritage”. W: Understanding heritage in practice, ed. Susie West,  88-126. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2010.

Kozłowski, Stefan. Rio Szczyt Ziemi — początek ery ekologicznej. Łódź: Akapit Press, 1993.

MacNamara, Karen, Prideaux, Bruce. „Experiencing «natural» heritage”. Current Issues

in Tourism 14:1 (2011): 47-55.

Pływaczewski Wiesław, Gadecki Bartłomiej (ed.) Ochrona dziedzictwa kulturowego i naturalnego: perspektywa prawna i kryminologiczna.Warszawa: Wydawnictwo C. H. Beck, 2015.

Wilson, Edward O. Biophilia. Cambridge-London: Harvard University Press, 1984.

CULTURAL HERITAGE

CULTURAL HERITAGE

A body of cultural assets (including architecture, art, archaeological sites and artefacts, memorabilia, folk art, historic complexes) subject to legal protection.

 

Legal concept proposed in the Convention concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage, adopted in Paris on 16 November 1972, ratified by Poland on 30 September 1976.

Cultural heritage is the main focus of heritage studies. Cultural heritage is considered to be: 1) monuments: architectural works, works of monumental sculpture and painting, elements or structures of an archaeological nature, inscriptions, cave dwellings and combinations of features, which are of outstanding universal value from the point of view of history, art or science; 2) groups of buildings: groups of separate or connected buildings which, because of their architecture, their homogeneity or their place in the landscape, are of outstanding universal value from the point of view of history, art or science; 3) sites: works of man or the combined works of nature and man, and areas including archaeological sites which are of outstanding universal value from the historical, aesthetic, ethnological or anthropological point of view. The identified forms of cultural heritage include reservations, archaeological sites, works of fine arts, works of applied and folk art, ethnographic sites and parks, historical sites and complexes, historic parks and landscape architecture, industrial, documentary and audiovisual heritage, as well as oral traditions and languages, literature, music, songs and dance, culinary and ethnological traditions, folk games and sports, customs, rituals, ceremonials and beliefs. Cultural heritage therefore includes tangible heritage (protected under European law by the Paris Convention, under Polish law, primarily by the Act on the Protection and Care of Monuments of 23 July 2003) and intangible heritage (protected under European law by the UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage adopted in Paris on 23 October 2003, not incorporated into Polish law so far).

Exceptional examples of cultural heritage are included in the World Heritage List prepared by the World Heritage Committee. The members of the Committee, representing the 21 States-Parties to the Paris Convention, consider as particularly representative of cultural objects those sites which are of common value and fulfil at least one of the following criteria: 1) represent a masterpiece of human creative genius; 2) represent an important exchange of human values throughout history or within a given region of the world in terms of architectural or technological development, monumental arts, urban planning or landscape design; 3) present a unique or at least exceptional testimony to the cultural tradition inherent in existing or past civilisation; 4) constitute a specific example of a type of building, architectural or technological site or landscape illustrating an important stage (or stages) in the history of humanity; 5) are a specific example of traditional human settlement, land or sea use, representative of the culture (or cultures) concerned, or human interaction with the environment, especially if it is threatened by irreversible change; 6) are directly or tangibly linked to events or living traditions, inventiveness or beliefs, or to works of art or literature of exceptional universal significance (the Committee considers that this criterion should be applied in conjunction with other criteria). Currently there are 815 material culture sites on the world heritage list.

Non-material forms of cultural heritage are entered in 3 registers, currently consisting of 429 entries: a list of intangible cultural heritage requiring urgent protection, a representative list of intangible cultural heritage and a register of programmes, projects and activities aimed at protecting intangible cultural heritage (“Best Practices Register”).

A broad definition of cultural heritage, corresponding to the distinction between tangible and intangible cultural heritage, is given by Jan Pruszyński: cultural heritage is ‘a stock of movable and immovable property with associated spiritual values, historical and moral phenomena considered to be the basis for the legal protection of a specific society and its development and for their passing to subsequent generations, in view of understandable and accepted historical, patriotic, religious, scientific and artistic values, which are relevant to the identity and continuity of political, social and cultural development, evidence of truth and commemoration of historical events, cultivation of a sense of beauty and civilisation commonwealth’. (Pruszyński 2001, 50).

Zbigniew Kobyliński describes cultural heritage as a part of the old cultural heritage, which has been recognised as valuable by successive generations and has thus survived to the present day. Cultural heritage is a limited, non-renewable and vulnerable resource, a shared property that remains in the public interest domain. In order to be recognised as a cultural heritage element, an object must have cognitive and emotional value, often defined as “historical value”.

Alois Riegl formulated the basics of valuing material examples of cultural heritage at the end of the 19th century, distinguishing the following values determining the status of an object as a cultural asset: historical value, ancient (antique) value, monumental value.

[M. St.]

 

Literature:

Konwencja w sprawie ochrony światowego dziedzictwa kulturalnego i naturalnego z 16 listopada 1972 r. (Dz.U. 1976 nr 32 poz. 190, tzw. Konwencja Paryska).

Ustawa z dnia 23 lipca 2003 r. o ochronie zabytków i opiece nad zabytkami (Dz. U. 2014 poz. 1446).

Kobyliński, Zbigniew. „Czym jest, komu jest potrzebne i do kogo należy dziedzictwo kulturowe?” Mazowsze. Studia regionalne 7 (2011): 21-47.

Piwocki, Ksawery. Pierwsza nowoczesna teoria sztuki: poglądy Aloisa Riegla. Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1970.

Pruszyński, Jan. Dziedzictwo kultury Polski: jego straty i ochrona prawna. Kraków: Kantor Wydawniczy „Zakamycze”, 2001.

Szafrański, Wojciech, Zalasińska, Katarzyna (ed.) Wokół problematyki prawnej zabytków i dzieł sztuki: praca zbiorowa. Poznań: Wydawnictwo Poznańskie, 2009.

West, Susie (ed.) Understanding heritage in practice. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2010.

Zeidler, Kamil. Prawo ochrony dziedzictwa kultury. Warszawa: Oficyna Wolters Kulwer Business, 2007.

INDUSTRIAL HERITAGE

INDUSTRIAL HERITAGE

Part of the cultural heritage, which comprises relics of industrial culture of historical, social, architectural and scientific value.

 

Within the industrial heritage we distinguish: factory buildings and structures (and their equipment), former mines, warehouses, elements of transport infrastructure (railway terminals, stations, docks, locks), industrial cultural landscape (industry-related urban-architectural complex consisting of housing, commercial premises, places of religious practice and education supporting the past industrial infrastructure).

In Poland, the first industrial manufactories were established in the 1840s. The Prussian Partition was dominated by mining, metallurgy, machinery and textile industry; the Russian Partition – by textile industry (Łódź), metal and machine industry; the Austrian Partition – by textile industry, oil mines and refineries (Jasło, Krosno). During World War II more than 60% of Polish industrial plants were destroyed.

In Poland, the legal status of the industrial heritage is regulated by the Act on the Protection and Care of Monuments of 23 July 2003. Although the Act does not define this term, it points to the need to protect and care for all movable and immovable property of historical value (which include urban systems, building complexes, works of architecture, objects of technology, mines, steelworks, power plants and other industrial plants, movable products of technology, equipment, means of transport, machines and tools attesting to the material culture characteristic for old and new forms of economy, and documenting the level of science and civilization development). The Act regulates the legal, organisational and financial conditions enabling the preservation, maintenance and development of historical monuments (it defines e.g. the framework for scientific research, conservation, use of the monument, popularisation of knowledge about the monument and its importance for the history and culture of Poland). The decision to protect a given historical monument is dictated, among others, by the importance of the monument for the development of technology, time of creation, historical value, architectural (urban) value, state of preservation.

The National Heritage Institute subordinated to the Ministry of National Heritage, and many national and international organisations around the world, e.g. UNESCO, are responsible for supervising technical and industrial monuments in Poland. The International Committee for the Conservation of the Industrial Heritage (TICCIH) is responsible for promoting knowledge about the industrial heritage. On the UNESCO World Heritage List there are two monuments of industrial culture in Poland: the salt mine in Wieliczka and the Tarnowskie Góry lead, silver and zinc ore mine with an underground water management system.

Intangible relics of industrial culture and related artistic phenomena also form part of the industrial heritage. In the 19th century, in strongly industrialised areas, the disappearance of traditional culture and attachment to tradition (Lowenthal) was observed, new forms of organisation of social life, customs and holidays were developed. In Poland, Barbórka [Miners’ Day] is an excellent example. Technological development and industrialisation were a source of inspiration for such trends in art as futurism or social realism.

The industrial heritage is increasingly seen today as a tourist attraction, contributing to the development of industrial tourism, whose main objective is education (learning about the history of plants, facilities and equipment or the historical development of technological processes and products). This type of tourism includes travelling to industrial and technical sites, visiting historical or active sites related to the extraction of raw materials, mass production and technology and industrial landscapes (Mikos), related recreation and active recreation (Osiecki). Industrial facilities are often the main or only tourist attraction in a given area, e.g. the Gold Mine in Złoty Stok. This type of tourism includes visits to places created as a result of reclamation of post-industrial areas or revitalisation measures, e.g. geotourism connected with the salt mine in Kłodawa or “Lisia Sztolnia” in Wałbrzych, as well as museum tourism. One of the most famous examples of attractive industrial heritage for tourists is the reconstruction of a Victorian mining village with the Blists Hill Open Air Museum in Great Britain.

The development of industry and the associated development of urban centres since the end of the 18th century has resulted in the emergence of many phenomena not currently associated with industrial heritage, such as changes in the demographic structure of cities, which are still visible today (the influx of people from rural areas in search of work, resulting in the emergence of poor districts and the relocation of the middle class to the suburbs to houses with gardens; the emergence of public parks in city centres).

[M. G.]

 

Literature:

Burzyński, Tadeusz. „Kierunki działań na rzecz krajowego produktu turystycznego – turystyka dziedzictwa przemysłowego”. In: Dziedzictwo przemysłowe jako strategia rozwoju innowacyjnej gospodarki, eds. Tomasz Burzyński. Katowice: Wydawnictwo GWSH, 2007.

Derek, Marta. „Turystyka przemysłowa”. In: Turystyka zrównoważona, ed. Andrzej Kowalczyk, 188-208. Warszawa: PWN, 2010.

Jasiuk, Jan. „Dziedzictwo przemysłowe. Doceniony element tradycji oraz społecznego i turystycznego wykorzystania w Polsce i Europie”. In: Dziedzictwo przemysłowe Mazowsza i jego rola w turystyce, ed. Wiesław Kaprowski, Franciszek Midura, Jan W. Sienkiewicz, 13-19. Warszawa: Almamer, 2008.

Kosmaty, Jerzy. „Lisia Sztolnia w Wałbrzychu – relikt dawnych robót górniczych i możliwości wykorzystania dla celów turystycznych i dydaktycznych”. Prace Naukowe Instytutu Górnictwa Politechniki Wrocławskiej, nr 111 (2005): 127-139.

Mikos v. Rohrscheidt, Armin. Turystyka kulturowa. Fenomen, potencjał, perspektywy. Gniezno: GWSH Milenium, 2008.

Osiecki, Bolesław. „Uwagi do definicji turystyki w obiektach przemysłowych”. In: Dziedzictwo przemysłowe jako atrakcyjny produkt dla turystyki i rekreacji. Doświadczenia krajowe i zagraniczne, ed. Tadeusz Burzyński. Katowice: GWSH, 2005.

Otgaar, Alexander H.J. Industrial Tourism. Where the Public Meets the Private. Rotterdam: Erasmus University Rotterdam, 2010.

Pokojska, Weronika. „Zapomniane dziedzictwo, czyli urban exploring”. Zarządzanie w kulturze (Wydawnictwo UJ), Vol. 16 Issue 2 (2015), 151-163.

LANDMARK

LANDMARK

A natural or man-made spatial form, which is a strongly distinctive or characteristic element of the landscape, subordinating to itself the entirety of the so-called landscape composition.

 

The landscape can be marked by a sacral building, a building of political and social importance, a natural object or even a small architecture: any element which, due to its location, designates the centre of the composition (e.g. a centrally located hut of the head of a Dogon village in Africa, a church in a medieval village, a town square, an imperial palace, a temple or a sacred statue, but also a hill, a tree or a rock). Almost in every historical epoch we can identify characteristic landmarks: sacral buildings in antiquity (Mesopotamia, Babylonia, China), an agora or forum in ancient Greece or Rome, a cathedral in the Middle Ages, a town hall and market square in the Renaissance. In the industrial period industrial buildings (e.g. chimneys), engineering projects (e.g. Eiffel Tower), skyscrapers (e.g. in Shanghai, Dubai) became dominants.

A landmark can be intentionally showcased, e.g. by means of the so-called viewing foreground (undeveloped space, square in front of the building) or natural terrain (e.g. a bend of the Oder River in Wrocław builds the landscape of Ostrów Tumski, in Shanghai the Huangpu River displays Pudong). A landmark can be indicated by means of lines leading to it (e.g. mapping out streets so that they lead directly to the market square or church). Equally important is the background against which it occurs (e.g. a forest wall or an empty space with a visible horizon). A dominant can be framed in the landscape, which can include for example tall trees surrounding the most attractive part of the landscape.

A landmark does not always have a positive aesthetic value. In architecture there is a negative dominant phenomenon which contributes to impoverishment and degradation of the landscape (e.g. chimneys of industrial plants). The term “landmark” appeared in the Polish legislation in the presidential bill of the Landscape Act in 2013. A landmark was defined in it as an object with a leading visual impact on the landscape.

[M. G.]

 

Literature:

Bogdanowski, Janusz. Kompozycja i kształtowanie w architekturze krajobrazu. Kraków-Warszawa: Ossolineum, 1976.

Böhm, Aleksander. Planowanie przestrzenne dla architektów krajobrazu – o czynniku kompozycji. Kraków: Wydawnictwo PK, 2006.

Gadomska, Edyta, Różańska, Anna, Sikorska, Dorota. Podstawy architektury krajobrazu. Warszawa: Hortpress, 2005.

Mitkowska Anna, Siewniak, Marek. Tezaurus sztuki ogrodowej. Warszawa: Oficyna Wydawnicza Rytm, 1998.

Vogt, Otmar. Zagadnienia związane z zapisem przestrzeni w architekturze. Kraków: Wydawnictwo Politechniki Krakowskiej im. Tadeusza Kościuszki, 1995.

Wejchert, Kazimierz. Elementy kompozycji urbanistycznej. Warszawa: Arkady, 1984.

ANTHROPOGEOGRAPHY

ANTHROPOGEOGRAPHY

A section of geography investigating relations between the natural environment (geographical, natural and climatic conditions) and human civilization. (gr. ánthrōpos – man, geōgraphía – description of the earth; hence “anthropogeography” –  the geography of man).

 

Anthropogeography examines the mutual influences of human activity and the natural environment. It provides a geographically argued explanation of the diversity in the development of human communities, the distribution of the population, as well as the diverse forms of economic and social development. There are three main concepts of anthropogeography: 1) geographical determinism that recognises the strong impact of the environment on the community and stresses the adaptation of man to the natural environment (this position is the origin of geopolitics), 2) geographical nihilism that negates the impact of the environment on the development of civilisation, and 3) geographical possibilism that recognises the reciprocity of these relations.

The main issue of anthropogeography – the relationship between society and the geographical environment – has been known since antiquity, but an important development of interest in this issue occurred in the 19th century, mainly owing to the German ethnologist and geographer Friedrich Ratzel, who created the methodological and theoretical foundations of this discipline. Ratzel defined anthropogeography as the science of the natural conditions of societies and the spread of man.

In 1897, Ratzel, who viewed the world of man and nature dynamically and antagonistically, used the idea of social Darwinism to develop the concept of society as a living organism that is born, matures, ages and dies and functions in conjunction with the natural environment. According to Ratzel, man is geographically determined, just like the world of plants or animals, so he should be treated as a biological being. Human communities, living in different types of geographical environment, go through the successive stages of civilisation development in their history, adapting to the changing conditions of the environment and develop various forms of adaptation, manifested in different ways of economic management and cultures. The key role in development was played by migration, the movement of people in order to settle in an environment that guarantees comfortable living conditions. In the further development process, movement is being replaced by a struggle for space and territory.

Ratzel drew attention to the relationship between the economic development of the community and the size of the population and to the fact that the impact of nature on the community (both its physical and spiritual features) is related to the lifestyle and ways of managing the environment. According to Ratzel, law, customs, religious beliefs, language are works of nature, and similarities between different cultures must be the result of old contacts and migration. He pointed to the links between anthropogeography and political geography, arguing that social development depends on geographical conditions and that a society that has adapted to the territory and its conditions to the highest degree, naturally crosses the borders of areas owned by other nations and expands into new territories.

At the beginning of the 20th century, anthropogeography was the leading school in German economic geography, it influenced the concepts of the French geographer Paul Vidale de la Blache (an advocate of geographical possibilism), the ethnology of the turn of the 19th and 20th century, and provided the foundation of one of the research methods – diffusionism. In the 20th century, Ratzel’s anthropogeography had an impact on the American environmental school.

Ratzel’s ideas were used by Nazi ideologists as a theoretical justification for Germany’s territorial expansion. Rudolf Kjellén’s theory of geopolitics, derived from anthropogeography, together with his interpretation of the concept of Lebensraum, was taken over, developed and adapted by Third Reich politicians and used, among others, in the theory of racial struggle for living space. Theories of environmental determinism (climatic, physical) met with criticism as providing the foundations for of racist ideology.

[M. G., B. F.]

 

Literature:

Ratzel, Friedrich. Anthropogeographie. Stuttgart Verlang Von J. Engelhors Nachf, 1921.

Landes David. The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why Some are So Rich and Some So Poor. New York-London: W.W. Norton & Company, 1998.

Eberhardt, Piotr. „Poglądy antropogeograficzne i geopolityczne Friedricha Ratzla. Przegląd Geograficzny 2, 2015, 199-224.

Moczulski, Leszek. Geopolityka. Potęga w czasie i przestrzeni, Warszawa: Bellona, 2010.

ANTHROPOCENE

ANTHROPOCENE

A concept relating to significant environmental changes brought about by human activity on Earth.

 

Anthropocene is understood as a new geological age, on an equal footing with the Holocene and the Pleistocene, following the Holocene; a term introduced to the scientific language by the Nobel Prize winner, Paul Crutzen, chemist, and Eugene Stoermer, ecologist, in 2000. They suggested that the current moment in the history of the Earth, characterised by intense human activity on a global scale, radically influencing the course of geological processes, should be called the anthropocene. According to this concept, human activity is understood as a geological force governed by its own laws.

Human-induced changes affect the progress of erosion and sedimentation and are directly related to a range of anthropogenic processes such as colonisation, agriculture, urbanisation and global warming. Human activity contributes to changes in the composition of the atmosphere, oceans and soils, which is a direct result of the circulation of carbon, nitrogen, phosphorus and a number of metals. The effects of the changes are visible in the biosphere (e.g. disappearance of species, invasion of animals and plants adapted to changes, formation of “dead zones” in the oceans). However, anthropocene is not a fully defined unit on the Geological Time Axis. The potential of anthropocene as a fully-fledged geological unit is being studied by an interdisciplinary group of scientists from the Anthropocene Working Group. It consists of representatives of such disciplines as geology, ecology, palaeontology, biology, chemistry, archaeology.

Awareness of serious environmental changes did not grow with the emergence of the concept of anthropocene. Similar concepts have been known since the 18th century. The first of these, in 1778, was proposed by the French naturalist Georges-Louis Leclerc, suggesting that the whole Earth bears traces of human activity. In 1864, George Perkins Marsh, an American philologist, published “Man and Nature”, which grew out of the belief that people subjugated the Earth in the mid-18th century. A similar thought guided the concept of an Italian priest and geologist, Antonio Stoppani, who in 1873 proposed a definition of the “anthroposoic era”, presented in more detail in “Corso di Geologia” (“Course of Geology”). In the 1920s and 1930s, French philosopher, geologist Pierre Teilhard de Chardin and Russian mineralogist Vladimir I. Vernadsky introduced the term “noosphere” in order to define the third – after the geosphere and biosphere – phase of development of the Earth. At the end of the 20th century, Edward O. Wilson began to use the term “eremozoic”, meaning “the era of solitude”. At the same time as Wilson formulated the term “eremozoic”, Andrew Revkin first used the term “anthropocene” to prove theses similar to those presented 8 years later by Crutzen and Stoermer.

Despite its long tradition, anthropocene has not yet been recognised as a fully-fledged geological age following the end of the Holocene. This will happen if it can be demonstrated that the concept of anthropocene meets certain conditions: a) it finds scientific justification (the geological trace of anthropocene will be sufficiently large, clean and distinctive for the epoch to be considered an autonomous part of time and not a period within the Holocene); this is the focus of the Anthropocene Working Group’s research, b) it will be accepted and considered a useful term for the scientific community (this condition has already been met by anthropocene as a concept).

 

A time caesura marking the beginning of anthropocene, the so-called Golden Spike (the beginning of a unit of geological time), is being discussed. Several possible dates have so far been proposed. Crutzen and Stoermer identify the beginning of anthropocene with the Industrial Revolution and give an indicative date of 1800. In 2007, Crutzen, together with Will Steffen and John McNeill, moved the beginning of anthropocene to around 1750 and distinguished two phases that drastically affected the Earth’s ecosystems (Lane). The first phase – referred to as the “industrial era”, lasting until 1945 – was characterised by a high level of fossil fuel combustion and, as a result, an increasing amount of greenhouse gases. The second phase, which began after the Second World War, was described as a “great acceleration” and means an intensified use of the environment by man. These phases were determined on the basis of tests of carbon dioxide concentration in the atmosphere. The above-mentioned dating of anthropocene onset has not been fully accepted in the scientific world, so alternative time periods ranging from 50,000 to 500 years ago have been proposed. For archaeologists Todd Braje and Jon M. Erlandson, the beginning of anthropocene is marked by the colonisation of continents by anatomically modern people, which began about 50,000 years ago. Bruce Smith and Melinda Zeder believe that the beginning of anthropocene is a neolithic revolution that started about 11,000-9,000 years ago. For Smith and Zeder, the domestication of animals and plants has given rise to a multilevel and far-reaching impact on ecosystems, and it is precisely the beginning of human activity of deliberately subordinating nature to man that should be regarded as the beginning of anthropocene. Scientists from University College London point to 1610 as the starting date for anthropocene, which is related to the first global effects of the conquest of America in the fifteenth century, the symbolic “fusion” of continents, as well as contemporary findings that in 1610 the concentration of carbon dioxide in the Earth’s atmosphere (Braje) decreased.

Proponents of the concept of anthropocene emphasize its critical potential in trans-disciplinary research, while opponents criticize anthropocentrism. They also point out that instead of studying the causes of the ecological crisis, supporters of anthropocene contribute to isolating humans from the natural world, treating them on an equal footing with the geological forces of the Earth. The idea of anthropocene is also criticised for the fact that it stems from the acceptance by its supporters of the Western perspective, according to which nature serves the human interest, while anthropocene is the crowning achievement of human technological and cultural triumph over the environment. It can be noted that since technological innovations have led the environment to the environmental crisis referred to in the context of anthropocene, humans are also able to create tools that will allow them to remedy it, for example by implementing the idea of sustainable development (the position of eco-modernists). However, this kind of approach risks underestimating the threats resulting from the current condition of ecosystems.

[M. St.]
Related terms: ecology, endangered landscape, industrial/post-industrial landscape

 

 

 

Literature:

Bińczyk, Ewa. „Dyskursy antropocenu a marazm środowiskowy początków XXI wieku” Zeszyty Naukowe Politechniki Śląskiej 112 (2017): 47-59.

Braje, Todd. „Evaluating the Anthropocene: is there something useful about a geological epoch of humans?” Antiquity 90 (350) (2016): 504-518.

Chakrabarty, Dipesh, „The climate of history: four theses.” Critical Inquiry 35 (2009): 197-222.

Crutzen, Paul J. „The Anthropocene: geology of mankind.” Nature 415 (2002): 23-4.

Davis, Heather, Turpin, Etienne. (red.) Art in Anthropocene. Encounters Among Aesthetics, Politics, Environments and Epistemologies. 2015, access:

http://openhumanitiespress.org/books/download/Davis-Turpin_2015_Art-in-the-Anthropocene.pdf

Edgeworth, Matthew. „Archaeology of the Anthropocene.” Journal of Contemporary Archaeology 1.1 (2014): 73–132.

Lane, Paul J. „Archaeology in the age of the Anthropocene: A critical assessment of its scope and societal contributions.” Journal of Field Archaeology 40 (5) (2015): 1-14.

Lewis, Simon L., Maslin, Mark A. „Defining the Anthropocene.” Nature 519 (2015): 171-80.

Malm, Andreas, Hornborg, Alf. „The geology of mankind? A critique of the Anthropocene narrative.” The Anthropocene Review 1 (2014): 62-9.

Smith, Bruce D., Zeder, A. Melinda. „The Onset of the Anthropocene.” Anthropocene 4 (2013): 8-13, access: http:// dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ancene.2013.05.001

Steffen, Will, Crutzen, Paul J., McNeill, John R. „The Anthropocene: are humans now overwhelming the great forces of nature?” Ambio 36 (2007): 614-621.

ROAD

ROAD

In the material sense, a strip of land intended for travelling, a transport route connecting place A with place B.

 

Road variants include, for instance, paths, streets, motorways. Roads in this sense are the subject of research of the geography of transport. Roads mark the topography, perform various functions (communication, transport, recreation, representation). In a metaphorical sense, a road can mean a life lived in a specific way or according to an accepted philosophy (in China one of the philosophical traditions is called Dao – a path). It means a method of carrying out tasks and accomplishing objectives in accordance with a set model of conduct. A road can also figuratively mean choosing or fitting in a hierarchy of importance, dependencies and obedience (e.g. following the beaten paths). The term understood in this way constitutes the basis for the concepts developed on the basis of landscape anthropology, phenomenology of landscape (space), it is connected with the notion of the route (de Certeau), the notions of place, neighbourhood (Buczyńska-Garewicz). According to Baudrillard, a road (as opposed to the post-humanistic motorway) has a humanistic dimension.

In anthropological and phenomenological concepts, the road is a trace left by man enabling and conditioning topographic experience. Being on the road, which is the opposite of staying in a place (of residence), is a way of getting to know and feeling the area, bestowing and reading meanings. A network of roads (roads and paths) creates an area understood as a collection of places: following roads or finding a road (Ingold) means that we remain within a known area where we do not need a map, although we can create a “mental map” of it, rich in impressions, memories of events and people, together with stories about them. When finding the road, we follow our experiences rather than points on the map. There are no places without roads where people come and go. There is also no road without places that determine the destination of the journey and the starting point. Pathways and roads are the effect of wanderings: they intersect, converge, pass, etc., creating a specific pattern according to which people move, but also determine the directions of possible wanderings. The activity of the whole community and even generations is embedded in this network. For Ingold, the road is synonymous with moving around the world. Moving around it, wandering, travelling is an element of a process that allows to distinguish an aesthetic landscape (the view) from a topographic landscape (the space). The road makes it possible to change the location, i.e. to abandon the lookout point and enter the surrounding area, enter the landscape. The landscape is only fully experienced if we live and move in it. Thus, as Bachelard states, it enters our “muscular memory”.

[M. G., B. F.]

 

Literature:

Baudrillard, Jean. America, London: Verso, 1989.

Buczyńska-Garewicz, Hanna. Miejsca, strony, okolice. Przyczynek do fenomenologii przestrzeni. Kraków: Universitas, 2006.

Certeau, Michel de. L’invention du quodientien, tomeI. Arts de faire. Paris : Editions Gallinard, 1990.

Ingold, Tim. The temporality of the landscape, “World Archeology” 1993, vol. 25, 2.

Ingold, Tim. The Perception of Environment: Essays on Livelihood, Dwelling and Skill. London: Routledge, 2000.